Ancestors of Mary Ann OPDYCKE - Jan 17 2001

COMPILED BY ALLEN L. POTTS

FIRST GENERATION

Farm home of Charles Dawes Potts

Chester Twp., Morrow Co., Ohio

Farm Home of Mary Ann Opdycke Potts

Chester Baptist Church & Cemetery, Chester Twp., Morrow Co., Ohio

Graves of Charles & Mary Potts

Chester Baptist Cemetery

1. Mary Ann OPDYCKE (POTTS) was born on February 24, 1809 in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. She married Charles Dawes Potts on Feb. 7, 1829 in Hunterdon County, New Jersey. She died on October 1, 1883 in Mt Gilead, Morrow Co., Ohio. She was buried on October 4, 1883 in Chester Baptist Cemetery, Chester Twp., Morrow Co., Ohio.

SECOND GENERATION

Graves of Benjamin J. Opdycke, Catherine Snyder Opdycke & Henry Snyder

2. Benjamin J. OPDYCKE drover was born on September 15, 1783 in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died on October 14, 1869 in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He was buried in Presbyterian Cem, Bethlehem, Hunterdon, N.J.. He was married to Catherine SNYDER (his cousin) in 1806 in Hunterdon Co., New Jersey.

He was a drover as well as farmer, and made fourteen trips to Ohio for cattle; was an honest and successful man, and respected by his neighbors; was of medium stature and called " Little Ben," to distinguish him from his taller cousin and neighbor Benjamin H. who was called " Big Ben." He lived and died on the farm, at Valley in Bethlehem, Hunterdon Co., N. J., which he received by the will of his grandfather Benjamin,- " the plantation where Ware and Waterfield now live "in the language of the will.

The parchment deed, for the original purchase of this farm of 151 1/4 acres in 1766, is now in the possession of the widow of Benjamin, son of Benjamin J.; as are also the homestead and the family record. On this farm Benjamin J. erected a neat and comfortable farm-house, an excellent type of the residences of thriving New Jersey farmers. Here he died in 1869, aged 86 years, and was buried at the New Stone Church in Union Township. His will is on the Hunterdon Co. Records, bequeathing his two farms and personal estate equally among his living children by name. He had eleven children who grew to maturity, and of whom ten married and three are still living.

3. Catherine SNYDER was born in July 1785 in Quakertown, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. She died in August 1854 in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. She was buried in Presbyterian Cem, Grandin, Hunterdon, N.J..

Benjamin J. OPDYCKE drover and Catherine SNYDER had the following children:

1 i. Mary Ann OPDYCKE.

ii. Joshua OPDYCKE was born in 1811 in Bethlehem, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died in 1882. He lived in New Jersey and Ohio. He was a tailor by trade.

iii. John OPDYCKE was born in 1812 in Bethlehem, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died in 1887 in Easton, Northampton Co., Pennsylvania.

iv. George OPDYCKE was born in 1814 in Bethlehem, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died in 1888 in Penns Manor, Pennsylvania.

v. Margaret OPDYCKE was born in 1816 in Bethlehem, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. She died on March 26, 1876 in Titusville, Pa..

vi. Benjamin OPDYCKE was born in 1817 in Bethlehem, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died in 1886 in Bethlehem, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey.

vii. Catherine OPDYCKE was born in 1820 in Bethlehem, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. She died after 1889 in Frenchtown, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey.

viii. Henry OPDYCKE was born on January 22, 1822 in Bethlehem, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died on September 23, 1892 in Hamden, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey.

ix. William OPDYCKE was born on May 15, 1824 in Bethlehem, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died on July 22, 1846 in Bethlehem, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He was buried in Presbyterian Cem, Grandin, Hunterdon, N.J..

x. Washington OPDYCKE was born in 1827 in Bethlehem, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died in 1880 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

xi. Jackson OPDYCKE was born in 1828 in Bethlehem, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died after 1889 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

THIRD GENERATION

Graves of Benjamin OpDyck & Joshua Opdycke (son)

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5TH GENERATION; SAMUEL UPDIKE. - 281

For the descendants of Joshua Opdycke see Chapter V.

4. Joshua OPDYCKE (farmer) was born in 1756 in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died in November 1800 in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He was buried in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey (Jugtown Mtn., on his farm). He was married to Mary DUSENBERY on February 10, 1782 in Hunterdon Co., New Jersey.

Joshua was mentioned in the will of his father in 1806 as being then deceased. His tombstone, between those of his father and brother in the old family graveyard, reads "Joshua Opdycke who died in the 45th year of his age." The county records show that letters of administration 'were issued on his estate Nov. 19, 1800, to his widow Mary. His autograph has been obtained from his bond of marriage in 1782 to Mary Dusenbury, which is on file in the vaults of the Secretary of State at Trenton. His name also appears frequently about 1785 in the old ledger of Jacob Anderson's store in Bethlehem.

Joshua lived upon the valley farm of 151 1/2 acres, bought by his father in 1766 and bequeathed to Joshua's son Benjamin J., who lived and died thereon, as did also Benjamin J's. son Benjamin. The neat farmhouse was built by Benjamin J.

Henry Dusenbury was executor of old Benjamin's will. Joshua's wife Mary Dusenbury may have been widow of a brother of Henry. Joshua's children often lived with " Uncle Henry Dusenbury" after their father's death. Joshua's son Benjamin J. married a daughter of his "Uncle

Snyder; "Mr. Snyder's first wife died and he married Joshua Opdycke's widow, and thus became uncle, father-in-law and step-father to Benjamin J.

These connections will doubtless explain the following record; the Joanna Opdyke mentioned was the mother of Joshua.

1818. Joanna Opdyke of Oxford township, Sussex Co., N. J., dies leaving will bequeathing property to her daughter Mary Snider, and her eight sons named Dusenbury, and to her great-granddaughter Joanna Hardy; and makes her son-in-law Henry Snider executor....... (T)

5. Mary DUSENBERY was born in 1762 in Everitstown, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. She died on November 26, 1846 in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. She was buried in Presbyterian Cemetery, Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. AFN:2ODF-5X

Joshua OPDYCKE and Mary DUSENBERY had the following children:

2 i. Benjamin J. OPDYCKE drover.

ii. John OPDYCKE was born in 1786 in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died in 1849.

iii. George OPDYCKE was born in 1788 in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died in 1865.

iv. William OPDYCKE was born on February 4, 1791 in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died on July 30, 1832 in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He was buried in Presbyterian Cem, Grandin, Hunterdon, N.J..

v. Theodosia OPDYCKE died in 1860. She was born in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey.

vi. Sarah OPDYCKE was born in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey.

7. Mary died before January 1805 in Quakertown, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. She was buried in Presbyterian Cem, Grandin, Hunterdon, N.J..

Henry SNYDER and Mary had the following children:

3 i. Catherine SNYDER.

ii. Margaret SNYDER.

FOURTH GENERATION

8. Benjamin OP DYCK was born in 1721 in Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died in 1807 in Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He married Joanna; was a farmer in Bethlehem township, Hunterdon Co., N. J.

He was the fourth and youngest son of Albert Opdyck; and was executor of his father's will in 17U, with his mother Elizabeth. He was married before 1750. In selecting his future home Benjamin went northward like his brothers John and Joshua, but settling later than they, he went ten miles beyond Joshua to find abundant land. He chose the crest of the first mountain of the Blue Ridge, in Bethlehem township on the northern edge of Hunterdon County. There he lived 50 years and there died in his 86th year; his tombstone is in the small family graveyard that stands on his old farm, enclosed by a stone wall. He owned 550 acres, and his hill homestead instill in the possession of his great-grandson George Opdyke, but Benjamin's old log house was torn down by his grandson and a new farmhouse built close by its site. The old parchment deed for the hill farm has been handed down in the family; and so has that for the 151 acres in the valley

north, which Benjamin bought in 1766. Side-by-side in the family graveyard above mentioned are the graves and tombstones of Benjamin and his sons Albert and Joshua. The highest point of the farm is said to be more than than 500 feet above the valleys on the north and south. The views in both directions are grand, in front looking over the rich Musconetcong Valley far into Warren County, and in the rear reaching from the Delaware river to the White House. The snow lies nearly all winter on the north side of the hill fields. Adjoining the old grave yard are numerous small head stones which are supposed to mark old Indian graves. The hill is now mined for iron ore by the West End Iron Co. Immediately under the farm, several hundred feet below, yawns the tunnel of the Lehigh Valley R.. R., and the trains from even that level can run by gravity all the way (50 miles) to tide-water at Amboy. Benjamin is the only one of the great-grandsons of the original Opdyck settler in America, whose home farm is still owned and occupied by one of his descendants bearing the family name.

Benjamin took an active part in local public matters, and during 23 years appears constantly in office as Freeholder, Overseer of the Poor, or Member of Town Committee of Bethlehem. His signature as executor of his father, and on the marriage bond of his son Joshua, is handsomely written. He lived to a much greater age than his brothers John and Joshua, and survived both his sons, leaving at his death eight Opdycke grandsons (of whom five were grown men), and two Opdycke great-grandsons. He named his first-born son after its grandfather, and the second after his own brother Joshua. This evidence of fraternal feeling between Benjamin and Joshua in 1756, is a pleasant fact to their two great-great-grandsons who labored together in 1857-9 upon this genealogy.

Bethlehem Township Records.

1763, 64, 80, 81, 82, 95. Benjamin Opdycke on Town Committee.

1763, 1781. Benjamin Opdycke on Board of Freeholders.

1765. "The Commissioners of Bethlehem and Alexandria met at the Hickory Tavern and settled the accounts depending before the division of Bethlehem." Benjamin Opdycke appears as Overseer of the Poor.

1766. Deed on parchment, in possession of his great-great-grandson, shows that Benjamin Opdycke paid 537 Pounds at a Sheriff's sale, for 151 1/4 acres in Bethlehem; witnesses John Farnsworth, Albort Opdyck and Adonijah Farnsworth.

1806, Oct. 22; Will; probated 1807,

On file in the vaults of the Sec. of State at Trenton, N. J. "In the name of God Amen I Benjamin Opdycke of the Township of Bethlehem County of Hunterdon and State of New Jersey being Somewhat weak in body but of sound mind and memory thanks be to God for his mercies therefor I do make ordain publish and put in writing this my last will and Testament in the following Manner and first of all I order that all my Just debts be fully paid and funeral Charges satisfied and paid. I then Bequeath unto my beloved wife Joanna Opdycke all the property that she had or brought to me when we were married. I also will her the one Equal fifth part of all my

4TH GENERATION; BENJAMIN OPDYCKE. - 235

moveable Estate forever. I further bequeath her all my homestead plantation whereon I now Live During her widowhood and after her Death or marriage I Bequeath to my grandson George Opdycke son of Joshua Opdycke that part of the said plantation that Lies on the reat Road East & North of a certain Black oak my Corner in Imley's line thence Down the Line to a bickry Corner and still further to the s'd Great Road. I further will & Bequeath all the Remainder of my homestead plantation after the Decease or marriage of my wife-unto Benjamin Opdycke son of Albert Opdycke for ever. And after the grist mill has paid the Amount of money to Henry Dusenbury for Rebuilding the mill I bequeath it to my grandson John Opdycke son of Joshua Opdycke. I also will him seven acres three Quarters & twenty three perch whereon the mill store and spring house stand as Surveyed by William Runkle Esq'r on the fifteenth day of Sept. 1806. I also will him the Land twenty five feet from the mill up the Race to the mill dam, also the mill dam and as much Land as will contain all the water that can be Raised in it. I further will & Bequeath unto my grandson Benjamin Opdycke son of Joshua Opdycke all the Remainder of the plantation and premises whereon Ware and Waterfield Now Live. I Will and Bequeath To my Grandson William Opdycke son of Joshua Opdycke all that house and Lot said to Contain about 17 acres whereon. Thomas Vanhorn Now Lives. I further Direct that all my moveable Estate be sold to the best advantage and Divided into five Equal shares, one share of which is willed to my wife as above mentioned. I will one share and half share to my Daughter Margeret Farrow. I will one share and half share to my Daughter Jane Curtis and the Remaining one share I order and direct to be Divided into five shares one of which I will and Bequeath to Henry Opdycke son of Albert Opdycke, one share I will to Peter Opdycke son of Albert Opdycke, one share I will to Albert Opdycke son of Albert Opdycke, one share I will to my Daughter Sarah Calvin and the Remaining one share to Benjamin Campble son of Obediah Campble and I do hereby appoint my True and Trusty friends Samuel Large and Henry Dusenbury my Executors to fulfill this my Last will & Testament and I Do Disanull and make Void all Wills heretofore made. In Witness whereof I the said Benjamin Opdycke have to this my Last will and testament sett my hand and affixed my seal the twenty second of October in the year of our Lord Eighteen Hundred and six-1806.

Signed Sealed and Del'd in the presents of us

Elias Smith, John Chamberlin, Benjamin Opdycke."

Samuel Chamberlin.

Benjamin OP DYCK had the following children:

i. Albert OPDYCKE was born in 1750 in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died in 1790 in Hunterdon Co., New Jersey.

ii. Margaret OPDYCKE was born about 1752 in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey.

iii. Sarah OPDYCKE was born about 1754 in Bethlehem, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey.

4 iv. Joshua OPDYCKE.

v. Jane OPDYCKE was born about 1758 in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey.

vi. OPDYCKE was born in 1760 in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey.

AFN:JCCO-RD He was married to Joanna.

11. Joanna died in 1818 in Oxford Furnace, Sussex Co., New Jersey. Hunterdon County Court Records: 0005 Opdycke, Johanna widow 2:31 Plaintiff vs Edward Burd, 1808.

John DUSENBERY and Joanna had the following children:

i. Benjamin DUSENBERRY was born in 1753 in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died in 1777. AFN:JCBZ-R9

ii. John Jr. DUSENBERRY was born in 1755 in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died in 1827 in Morgantown, Monongalia Co., Virginia. AFN:JCCO-2R

iii. William DUSENBERRY was born on April 6, 1757 in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died on March 23, 1846 in Near Sego, Madison Twp., Perry Co., Ohio. AFN:JCBZ-TM

iv. Samuel DUSENBERRY was born in 1758 in Bethlehem Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died in 1829. AFN:JCCO-44

v. Henry DUSENBERRY was born on September 3, 1760 in Everitstown, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died on April 12, 1825 in New Hampton, Lebanon Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. AFB:JCCO-6G

5 vi. Mary DUSENBERY.

vii. Sylvanus DUSENBERRY was born in 1768 in Everitstown, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died between 1826 and 1830 in Clayton Twp., Perry Co., Ohio. AFN:JCCO-DH

viii. Daniel DUSENBERRY was born on November 22, 1769 in Everitstown, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died on February 15, 1817 in Muskingum Co., Ohio. AFN:JCCO-GT

ix. George DUSENBERRY was born in October 1774 in Everitstown, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. AFN:JCCO-J^

FIFTH GENERATION

Albert OpDyck (Thihs information came from "The OP Dyck Genealogy"; by Charles Wilson OPdycke, 1889)Born about 1685 in Hunterdon County, N.J.; died 1752 Hopewell Twp., Hunterdon Co., N.J.; married Elizabeth ........ ; was a planter in Maidenhead and Hopewell, N. J., near Princeton.

As in the case of his brother'Lawrence, the record of Albert's baptism is not to be found, owing to the disappearance of early church registers on Long Island. He was undoubtedly too young in 1698 to be joined with his father, brother, and brothers-in-law, as trustee of the Maidenhead church and school farm. He gave the name of his father to his eldest son; that of his sister's husband Joshua to the second son; and to two of his daughters he gave the names of his mother and his sister. In 1710 he acted with the others of his family in taking the deed for the Presbyterian church lot at what is now Lawrenceville.

Albert however differed from his brothers and sisters in church belief. The first church edifice of Hopewell was upon two acres granted in 1703 by John Hutchinson to the inhabitants of that township for meeting-house and burial purposes, and was occupied by the Episcopalians as St. Michael's church until they removed to Trenton in 1838. The second was "the old Hopewell church," built upon the land granted in 1709 by Alexander Lockhart to Enoch and Cornelius Anderson and others as trustees; a log-meeting house was built thereon in 1712, replaced by a frame building in 1726 on the site of the present Ewing brick church, and as we have seen was for many years under the same pastor as the church at Lawrenceville. The third, 1724-5, was the Presbyterian at what is now Pennington. The fourth was the present First Presbyterian church at Trenton, built 1727 upon the land granted by Enoch Anderson for the purpose, and long known as the "Anderson Meeting House." As early as 1715 a Baptist church was organized in Hopewell, at Columbia Village, being what is now known as the First Baptist Church of Hopewell in the present village of Hopewell. Its records are among the oldest in the country; the book of church minutes contains a history of the church, written in 1749 by Rev. Isaac Eaton, reciting that the church was constituted in 1715, and its pastoral work was performed until 1721 by monthly visits of various preachers; Rev. Thos. Simmons was then settled as its minister until he removed to Charlestown in 1724, when Mr. Eglefield preached once a month until 1728; from that date Joseph Eaton visited it monthly until 1742, when Rev. Thos. Davis came to Hopewell and lived there as pastor. Its first church building was erected in 1747. The constitution of the church was adopted in 1715, and; contains a strong expression of belief "in total depravity, original sin," etc. Among the first signers of these articles between the year 1715 and 1728, appears the name of "Albert Opdyck."' His faith was retained by at least one of his sons, Joshua, who was a founder of the Baptist church at Baptisttown. In 1750 the Rev. Isaac Eaton established at Hopewell the first Baptist theological school in America; it was closed in 1767, but during i existence it educated many! students who afterward became eminent divines.

Although he removed to Maidenhead before death, Albert no doubt, resided a great part of his life in Hopewell township; it is quite possible that his homestead farm lay across the line which divided the two townships. The old records of Hopewell, in which we should expect to fin him often mentioned, unfortunately cannot be found.

Two of Albert's sons married daughters of Samuel Green, who was Daniel Coxe's surveyor, as such received a very large tract of land for his services, and must have been well acquainted with the claim of the Coxe ; family to land in Hopewell. There is therefore reason to. believe that Albert was not concerned in the litigation as to land titles in Hopewell, mentioned under Lawrence.

Albert appears twice in 1729 upon the Maidenhead Township Book, recording and selling a stray horse. He is found very often upon the records of Hunterdon Court, almost from the time of its first meeting at Trenton until his death. The Hunterdon County court house was a two story building of gray sand-stone with a stucco front, built in 1720 at Trenton, where the court continued to meet until 1785, when the county seat was changed to Flemington.

Albert is of especial interest because he, alone of the immediate descendants of the original Opdykk settlers, retained the Opdykk spelling, which was changed by all the others to Updike. His four sons were in fact just what tradition makes them, the ancestors of all the Opdykes, Opdykes, and Opdykes in the United States.

The executors of Albert's will were his wife Elizabeth and youngest son Benjamin; among the witnesses were Benjamin Stevens and John Price, who married daughters of his brother Lawrence and sister Tryntie. The minute provisions of the will not only reveal deep affection for his wife, but give a glimpse of the simple primitive life of the period.

The whole region was still heavily wooded with oak, hickory, beech, and maple; the forests abounded with game; the streams were alive with fish; and the most delicious shad were caught high up the river branches before the mill-dams obstructed the waters. Wild beasts were still trouble some. In 1739 the Justices and Freeholders of Hunterdon voted 40 Pounds for killing wolves and panthers in the county. Their records show "cash paid for 72 grown wolves at one pound each, 19 young wolves at 5 shillings each, 16 grown panthers at 15 shillings each." The principal roads yet followed the old Indian trails that had led to and from the wigwams. In the vicinity of Albert's home there were still numerous villages of the Indians, who, having sold the larger part of their lands, continued to live under their chiefs,' but on the most friendly terms with the whites. The game becoming less plentiful as the country was settled, the aboriginees were constrained to subsist by making wooden ladles, bowls, trays, etc., which they exchanged with the farmers for food. They soon acquired a fondness for intoxicating liquors, and their growing helplessness resulted in a hatred against the whites, which culminated, just after Albert's death, in the Indian war of 1755, when a chain of forts and block-houses was built along the Jersey side of the Delaware, and Col. John Anderson of Sussex Co., with 400 men, protected the border.

There were few waggons in Albert's time. People went miles afoot to worship, wearing thick shoes, or none at all until near the church when they put on their Sunday footgear. It was common for men to sit in church without coats. For small offences whipping was the penalty, more often inflicted upon slaves than upon others. If found five miles from home, a slave was arrested and whipped by the constable, for which five shillings were paid by the master or mistress. The most lucrative business in America at that date was the slave trade, and we find the N. Y. Gazette for 1731 and 1734 full of advertisements for runaway "negro servants." Strong Baptist though he was, Albert had at least one slave, as is shown by the inventory of his estate.

The Dutch settlers generally were persons of deep religious feeling, honesty, and thrift. They brought their children up to habits of industry, and almost every son was taught some mechanical art. The farmers tanned their own leather, often made their own shoes and boots, and did much of their own carpentering and wheel-wrighting. Their daughters presided at the spinning-wheel with as much grace and dignity as those of the present day do at the piano or organ, and the busy music of their spinning accompanied their most interesting conversations. Mothers took pride in showing to "company " the room in which were suspended on hooks large skeins of yarn, the results of their daughters' industry. The long distances of a thinly settled country necessarily made courtships short and decisive. Parental authority was more rigid than now, and was seldom questioned by the children of our ancestors. Such of the sons as were not: put to trades, demanded no pay for work performed while remaining with their parents, where they usually continued to labor until they were thirty years of age, and even longer if unmarried. The homestead was generally left to the eldest son, and so continued in the family for generations.

The earliest buildings of the settlers were commonly of logs, but were in time replaced by frame or stone dwellings, still of one long low story. The family living-room contained the bed occupied by the parents. The ceiling made of boards laid on broad heavy beams, formed the floor of the garret, which was divided into sleeping rooms for the children and visitors. Sometimes the roof projected beyond the building in front so as to cover a verandah, and descended near to the ground in the rear, furnishing a suitable, place for weaving and other employments. Often the fireplace was set with glazed tiles from Holland, ornamented with various biblical scenes, affording both instruction and amusement for the children. Carpets and parlors were then unknown. The floor was scrubbed as white as the table, and the white sand upon it was swept with a broom into waves or other figures. A small kitchen was attached to the main building, and the baking oven stood at a little distance in the open air.

This early period however is best described in the graphic sketches of colonial life in New Jersey, written by my friend Andrew D. Mellick, Jr., and soon to be published. From them I am allowed to glean the following.

When the brawny arms of the settler and his sons first drove back the forest from the meadows, the surrounding country was a broad expanse of woodland wilderness. For the first year the road traveled by the family to and from the new home, was little more than a wide path cut through the woods; the timber pressed close on either sides of the ruts and wheel tracks, the bark of the flanking oaks and hickories showing often the marks made by the hubs of passing vehicles. For miles it extended under the arching branches of giant trees,-monarchs of the forest that for centuries had towered over hill and dale, enriching the ground with their annual deposit of leaves and twigs.

In clearing New Jersey lands in colonial times the settlers began by felling the smaller trees, and cutting off the stronger branches of the greater ones. Next the oaks, the hickories, and other large trees were attacked. Well girdled by the axe, these were left to stand until the following year, by which time, having been robbed of their sap, they were dead and ready for the burning. Encircling fires at the base of their trunks were lighted; the trees fell, and by midsummer the sun began to operate on land that, being formed almost entirely of rotten vegetation, was rank with productiveness. Instead of rooting up the trees, many of the farmers, after burning the stumps, let them stand and decay. It gave the newly cleared land a very ugly appearance, but in four or five years the stumps would have rotted so that they could be beaten to pieces and ploughed under. By July of the second year the ground was ready for a crop, which was generally buckwheat. When harvested in the autumn the land was ploughed and sown with rye. Often, owing to the richness of the soil from the long drinking of the juices of decaying vegetation, the first year's crop all grew to straw and it was not uncommon for several seasons to go by before the ground had been sufficiently toned by cultivation to produce good yields of wheat.

Agriculture was but imperfectly understood by the new settlers and no knowledge seems to have been had of the value of the rotation of crops. Instances are given where new lands produced rye for ten years, and then for ten successive harvests yielded wheat. The virgin soil, having been fertilized by nature for centuries, was for several decades prolific, but in time became exhausted and the crops correspondingly poor.

Farmers who had exhausted the early strength of their fields were slow in appreciating the value of a plentiful use of lime and manure, and it was after the Revolution before impoverished lands began to be properly nourished and crops again to be abundant.

In the last century natural meadows supplied all the grass and grain for live stock; it was in the year 1800 that clover seed was introduced. The growing of grass on uplands inaugurated a new era in farming, and great benefit resulted to husbandmen and the country.

To one accustomed to the improved appliances that aid the agriculturist of this age, the tools and implements that our forefather had at his command would seem ill contrived for tilling the soil. The ploughs throughout the country at this time was rude and ineffective, and mostly home made. They were clumsily constructed of wood, the mould-board being fashioned from a block which had winding grain approximating to the curve required. Thomas Jefferson is said to have first suggested the proper shape and proportion of this part of a plough. It was 1776 before a wrought-iron, Plough share, some bolts and a clevis were introduced and the mouldboards, after that time, were often plated with strips of iron made from hammered. horseshoes. New Jersey has the honor of being the first State to adopt cast-iron ploughs, the useful invention of a farmer named Newbold. Their introduction was not general until the year 1797, the people being prejudiced against their use, and, it is said, they alleged that cast iron poisoned the soil and ruined the crop. The farmer sowed his seed by hand, and when harvest time came no cradler with glittering knife swung his graceful way through the golden grain, marking the fields with lines of even swath. Rye, wheat, and buckwheat were cut with the sickle; oats, like grass, fell under the scythe. The sickles then in use were long and narrow, and their sharp edges had close teeth on the inner side. This manner of harvesting continued until after the Revolution, when farmers were delighted by the appearance of the cradle, which improvement created as much interest as did, in more modern times, the introduction of; the reaper.

He who in building a dwelling calls in the aid of architect and artisan, and himself supplies only the money wherewith to pay for design and work, knows but little of the true sweetness of creating a homestead. Our forefather must have felt to the full this supreme happiness, as, with his boys, he labored day after day furthering the preparations for the building. Stones were hauled and dressed in winter, a quarry having been opened on the property; materials were brought upon the ground; and round straight trees selected, and rough-hewed to the line, converting them into the stanch square floor timbers that to-day, exposed in the ceiling of the living room of some old Jersey homes still standing, show no sign of decay but are sound to the core. With the disappearance of frost the cellar was excavated, the foundations laid, and the building was fairly under way.

Building barns, making gardens, and raising crops are fair weather work. There was much that could be done on the old farm in tempest as well as in sunshine. On stormy days and during the long winter evenings the farmer and his sons were occupied with labor that would now be done at wheelwrights' shops, factories, and forges; but shops of all kinds were few then and at remote distances. Our forefathers cobbled their own shoes, repaired their own harness, extemporized carpenter and blacksmith shop made much of the household furniture and many of the kitchen utensils. The Baroness Riedesel, the companion in misfortune of her husband, the Hessian General captured with Burgoyne, made and published notes on the American Army; among them as follows: "Their generals who accompanied us were some of them shoemakers, and on the days we halted made boots for our officers or even mended the shoes of our men." The Baroness was in error: They were not shoemakers; but the custom of colonial times was for the men to know all about the working of leather, they being able to make their own harness, saddles and shoes,- just as it was for the women to spin and weave.

In the olden time there were few or no luxuries that would be recognized as such now. The industries of the families were of the most complete character, as within each homestead were produced, to large extent, the necessities of its members. In farming communities, upon the women of the household devolved not only the duties of cooking, washing, milking, and dairy work, as at present; in addition they made their own garments and much of the men's; they spun their own yarn, wove the family linen and woolen goods, smoked and cured meats, dipped tallow candles, brewed beer, and made soap. Their pleasures were limited, being confined principally to quilting frolics, apple-paring bees, huskings, and killing frolics. The last occurred when the men met at one another's houses to do the autumn hog-killing, the women coming in the late afternoon to join them at supper and have a dance in the evening. The "wood frolic" was also an institution which brought together most of the people of the congregations annually at the parsonages. While the men occupied themselves during the day, hauling the minister's year's supply of wood, the wives and daughters came in the late afternoon and prepared a bountiful supper, to which the tired wood-haulers doubtless brought excellent appetites. The spinning visit and the donation visit were both occasions for festivities. At the former it was the women who spent the day in work, the men coming at supper time to contribute to the pleasures of the evening.

On the ground floor was by far the most interesting room in the house, - the farm kitchen or living-room. There was also an outer kitchen whose steep, moss-patched roof rested against the house wall, in which was built the

great Dutch oven. The threshold to the farm kitchen, or living-room, was guarded by a double Dutch door; but the demon of improvement has replaced it with a more modern entrance. This room served for many purposes, and it was here that all the home-life centred. With the exception of what was baked in the Dutch oven in the outer kitchen, the cooking was done before or in the cavernous fireplace, around which hung warming pans, flatirons, skillets, teapots, and other necessaries; while from the "chimbley's " capacious throat depended cranes, hooks, pots, trammels and smoke jacks. This was before the time of tin roasting-jacks. Turkeys used to be suspended by twine before the fire, and kept revolving, while the basting gravy dripped to a pan below. The domestic conveniences of that age did not include closets; household articles were distributed about the walls of this farm-kitchen, hung on wooden pegs driven into the beams of the low studded ceiling. On a shelf could be seen the lights for this world and the next, an iron tinder-box with its attendant flint and steel, and the huge Dutch bible. On the dresser were rows of polished .pewter platters and vessels, standing cheek by jowl with well scoured wooden trenchers, while laid away on the shelves of the great walnut press were piles of the family's coarse linen. In the corner stood two small wooden mortars, in which were pounded and powdered the mustard and coffee. Pewter and copper were the materials from which many of the drinking vessels and utensils were made, china and glass being in but little use. The precious metals were not common, except among the very rich, although all well-to-do farmers carried a silver watch and snuff box, the latter being in frequent requisition. Tobacco was smoked in pipes; cigars were unknown on the farm; indeed, throughout the colony in that century, they were rarely seen outside of the large cities.

Much of the space of the chambers was occupied by mammoth fourposters, stuffed with thick feather beds that were covered by many colored quilts and counterpanes of calico, durant, and calamanco, whatever the last two may have been. Testers of cloth and curtains of chintz hung from above, while valances of dimity reached below to the floor. Much of the bed-room furniture was heavy, cumbersome, and home made; red cedar being the favorite wood, as it was considered vermin proof and indestructible. The upper rooms, like the one below, were destitute of closets. If you are curious to know in what manner of garments they were accustomed to array themselves, we may in fancy mount the poplar staircase to the garret, and there behold the treasures of clothing, of which women in the olden time had a great profusion. Hanging on pegs driven in the wall and depending from lines stretched from the eaves, were short-gowns, over-gowns, outer garments and petticoats. The number of the last would now seem excessive, but colonial women thought at least fifteen necessary, while the Germans and Dutch often had twice that number. They were generally of tow, flannel, and linsey-woolsey, and the young women of a household spent much of their girlhood in laying in a stock of petticoats for matronly uses. The short-gowns were of kersey, calamanco, and home-spun, but the frocks and outer garments were made of gay fabrics, the names of some of which are now obsolete; besides satins, silks and velvets, there were in use taffety, beaver, French tabby, lute string, milinet, moreen, groset, Holland linen, bombazine, and "boughten calico." The men of that time, even in farming communities, were not insensible to the picturesqueness of variety and color in their garb. For daily wear, buckskin, leather, homespun and worsted fabrics were common, but on Sundays and gala occasions prosperous yeomen were often clad in white, blue and crimson broadcloth coats, with short-clothes of plush, stockinett, yellow nankeen, and even velvet.

In the living-room or farm kitchen, the meals were eaten, friends entertained, and the spinning done; while just beyond the door, in the cellar on the same level, stood the clumsy loom, upon which the women banged away at odd times in making linen cloths and woolen goods for the family, clothing. Flax was a most important crop ; its treatment was largely within the province of the women of the household, from the pulling in the fields to the breaking, dressing, hatcheling, and spinning. This was before the days of cotton, and flax had many uses; in addition to being prepared for the loom, mats and cushions were made from the coarse " hock-tow ; " and the rope, or finer tow, was twisted by the hand into long strands of yarn, from which were manufactured the farm cords and ropes. Delicate girls would seem to have had no place in the social economy of colonial farm families. They must needs have had strong arms and stout hips to have been able to lug the big iron kettles, or to have hung them on the great swinging crane of the yawning fire-place. Strength was necessary to handle also the large sticks of hickory that kept the pot boiling, or the vast oven heated just to the point necessary for browning properly the batches of rye and wheaten loaves, the big pans of beans, and the cakes, puddings, and thick pies. Washing day must have been a sore affliction to the women-folk of the old farm. When Monday came, a roaring fire was built alongside the washhouse, on the bank of the brook, over which was suspended an iron pot in which the clothes were boiled. Even the corrugated washboard and the washtub were unknown. The stream furnished a generous tub, and stout arms did the wringing. When the dirt and grime of the coarse clothing had been loosened by the boiling, they were put in the pounding barrel, and well thumped by a wooden pounder until the dirt was eliminated.

In the old time there were many quaint customs and observances attendant upon weddings. They were not confined to the ceremony; the occasion of bringing the wife home-called the infare-was one of great festivity, often prolonged for several days, the kinsfolk and neighbors being bidden from far and near. The laws regarding marriage were strict at that time; it was necessary for contracting parties to have the banns published three times, or else to procure a license from the Governor of the Province. This would not be granted unless the bridegroom appeared in person before the Chief Magistrate, accompanied by two prominent citizens. These latter were obliged to testify that they knew of no lawful obstacles to the marriage, and to give a bond that they would be answerable for any damages that might arise because of any previous promise of marriage having been made, or for any complaints against the contracting parties by their relatives, guardians, or masters. All of the above preliminaries having been co plied with, the Governor delivered the license upon the receipt of twenty-five shillings, currency, which fees materially increased his annual income.

Horticulture was then in its infancy, or unknown. Old-fashioned gaardens contained little else than hollyhocks, snowballs, roses; pinks, tulips, sunflowers, morning-glories, and a few other primitive blossoms. As for fruit, no grapes were to be had, excepting the poor native fox variety ; and the improved kind of peaches, pears, plums, and melons had not yet been introduced. Pears, as well as apples, were plentiful ; but, no knowledge being had of nursing and grafting, they did not attain any thing like their present perfection and deliciousness. So with the small berries; though uncultivated, they were in great abundance, growing wild in the fields and woods.

The vegetables of that period were few in variety and poor in quality. Potatoes were a staple, as were, in their season, cabbages, beans, and Indian corn ; but tomatoes, cauliflower, and rhubarb, had not yet been heard of. It will thus be seen that living in the olden days was much simpler than those of us found it who have been so fortunate as to gather about the well-spread farm board of later times. The table of our Jersey ancestor was well supplied with ham, bacon and smoked meats. Traditions smack the lips over the savoriness of the tender, juicy hams that hung in rows from the ceiling timbers in the cool cellar. Their rich and nutty flavor was gained from being cured in the fragrant smoke of burning hickory and oak, together with the fact of their having been carved from young pigs that had roamed the forest, fattening on acorns, hickory nuts, and aromatic herbage. Occasionally fresh meat was had, as it was the custom of farmers when they slaughtered a "critter" to distribute joints and pieces among their neighbors for miles around, relying for pay upon a return of courtesy. The table was abundantly set with solid, substantial food : poultry, eggs, cheese, and such farm diet of course ; hot breads were in vogue ; short-cakes, made with buttermilk and baked on a griddle, were in daily demand, and pies, doughnuts, and olekokes were features of the morning meal. Soupaan-(well salted Indian mush, eaten with milk and molasses)-was the standard Sunday supper, though occasionally a raised biscuit called zwieback, or twice baked, took the place of mush; this biscuit was made in large quantities, bushels at a time, and then dried in the oven until as hard as a rock; in a bowl of rich milk it made a toothsome dish.

As to beverages, a great favorite at that time was Madeira, though except on festive occasions it was rarely found save on the tables of the rich. Farmers were content with hard cider, beer, and Jamaica rum. A highly esteemed drink in winter was " flip," a mixture of rum, pumpkin-beer, and brown sugar, heated with a poker which the inn-keeper kept red hot for the purpose, awaiting the arrival of guests.

From other sources we learn that the most common article of export from the colonies were barrel-staves and hoops, and that the ships that carried them always brought back some of the barrels made therefrom filled with French claret. In the last century the habitual use of stimulating drinks was the custom of the civilized world. Letters from the colonists to their friends in the old country often described in detail how they filled the place of their old beverages with home-made substitutes of beer brewed from sassafras, spicewood, and other roots, and molasses; brandy distilled from peaches, cherries, plums, etc.; and added that the American springs were so clear that they were actually learning to like the taste of water. The Hunterdon County Court on March 5, 1722, issued an order, to be hung up in inns, fixing prices of " Madera wine, Caneroy Mamsey, Claret wine, Metheglin, Runic punch with Muskevado Shewgar, Syder," &c.; the price of a "Hott Dinor" was fixed at 7 1/2 pence; that of a cold dinner, breakfast or supper, was fixed at 4 1/2 pence.

Records.

1710, Jan. 8. Alburtus Opdike joins with Lawrence Opdike, Joshua Anderson, Enoch Anderson, Cornelius Anderson and 30 others in taking Deed for lot in Maidenhead, probably for Presbyterian Church. Recorded in 1801................................. (Flemington.)

1715-1728. Albert Opdyck joins the Baptist Church of Hopewell, N. J. This church is now located in the village of Hopewell. The Pastor claims that its records are among the oldest church records in America. Among the first signers of its articles, between the years 1715 and 1728, appears the name Albert Opdyck.

1726, Oct. 16. Alburtus Obdyke was defendant in a suit brought by Enoch Vreland; deft. not found. Upon service of the declaration it was ordered at the Dec. term, that the deft. plead within 20 days, "or judgment.".... . . . (Hunterdon Ct. Vol. I, 121, 6.... Flemington).

1727, Dec. Alburtus Ob Dyke is engaged in a suit with J. Bainbridge Sr. for 10 pounds, 2 shillings, and 10 pence .............. (Same, 239.)

1728, Mch. Alburtus Obdyke, defendant at suit of Ralph Hunt."An appeal being some time ago brought into Court, but now does not appear. Ordered that Judgment of Phillip Ringo Esq. be set aside,' `' which is done accordingly ........................... (Same. 268.)

1728, May. Alburtus Obdyke brings suit against Phillip Ringo. Former: judgment for ptf. is now set aside.................... (Same, 288.)

1728, May. Alburtus Obdyke is defendant in a suit for 6 pounds brought by Henry Vroome. Suit discontinued.... .......(Same, 284:)

1728, Aug. Alburtus Obdyke is engaged in a suit for 12 pounds with James Gould ...... (Same, 292.)

1728, May. "Alburtus Obdyke came into court and swore upon the Holley, Evangelist of Almighty God that the Hog that was in dispute between Ralph Hunt and himself was not his." Ordered by the Court that Ralph Hunt pay Alburtus Obdyke 15 shillings and 9 pence. (Same, 288.)

1729, Mar. 2. "Albert Updyck records a Gray Horse about 12 years old with a Wall Eye, four white feet, Marked with a Slit in ye upper side of ; ye Near Ear, branded with NB on ye off thigh with a short Dock. +3 (Maidenhead Town Book)

1729, Mar. 10. Albert Updyck sells above recorded horse on Town Meeting day, for 1 Pound 5 shillings............................. (Same)

1729, May. Albert Obdyke is engaged in a suit with Isaac Anderson for 14 pounds.................. (Hunterdon Ct., I, 340, Flemington.)

1730, Aug. Albert Opdike brings suit against Jacob Anderson. Judgment for ptf. for 8 pounds, 3 shillings, damages, and 6 pence, costs.... . (Same, Vol. II, 172, 4.)

1730. Albert Opdike in appeal brought by John Severns. Former judgment (in favor of Albert Opdyck) confirmed....... (Same, Vol II.)

1731, Feb. Albert Ubdike brings suit against Jno. Dagworthy, Sheriff; for debt on Escape of Jacob Anderson"... (Same, 12. 2d pagination.)

1732, May. Albert Opdike is defendant in a suit for 10 pounds brought by Joseph Reed. At the May term, 1733, judgment was given for ptf. for 4 pounds, 14 shillings, and 3 pence, "Proclamation money and 6 pence costs............................ (Same, suit 976, et seq )

1734, Feb. Albert Updike is engaged in a suit with Jno. Phillips for 48 pounds, with interest from Mch. 1, 1732........... (Same, III, 48.)

1739, May. Albert Opdike is engaged in a suit with Francis Costigin . (Same, IV, 119.)

1742, Oct. Albert Opdike is engaged in a suit. with Benj. Doughty for 11 pounds......................... (Same, "Long Book," 187, 194.)

1743, Apr. 13. Albert Opdike brings suit against Saml. Everitt Jr. Judgment for Ptf......................... (Same, 191, 192, 197, 206.)

1743. Albert Opdike brings suit against D. Rose Executor........ (Same.}

1748, Nov. 25. Albert Opdyke is engaged in a suit with Benj. Stevens et al. for 12 pounds. ................................ (Same, IV.)

1752, May 7. Will.

"In the Name God Amen I Albert Updicke of Maidehed in the County Hundon And province of West Jersey Being Weach and Sickly though well in my mind And meromy thancks Be to God for it therefore Calling to mind the Uncertainty of my Life And knowing that it is appointed for all men once to Die I make this my Last will. And testament, that is to Say first I Give And Recommend my Soule to God that gave it me And My Body to the Earth to Be Buried in A Desent maner At the Discression of my Heirs Excetors After mentioned nothing Doubting But At the Resurection I Shall Receive the Same Again By the mighty power of God And as for Suttch worldly Estate as it hath pleased God soe to Bless me with in this Life I Give and Dispose of in the following maner first I will And order that All my Lawfull Depts Be paide By my. Ecetors And that they Shall Make A publick Vendue And Sell all my Moveable Esstate And I desire my Children to 1st bye my place I Live on Amongst themselves And one of them for to take it for the Comfort of theire m other And that theay Be willing for to Allow her the Dwelling Roome that we Live in During her widowhood And A Riding. Beast two cowes two hodgs And Six Sheep And the third parts of the Appels that Growe in the orchard yearlly And the Garden And firewood And Broom Corne found her the Creatures for to Be kept on the place the Rest of my Esstate I give And Dispose of in, the following Manner that is to say All the money that Shall Arise from the Sailes of the Vendue one third part I will And freely Give unto my well Beloved wife Elisabeth Updike And the Intrust of the money that Shall A Rise from the Sailes of the Goods At the Vendue I give to my wife Elisabeth Updike for her Use During her widowhood And After to Be Divided And Given in the maner following first I give to my Son John Updike five pounds the Rest of my Esstat I give to my Seaven children m the following manner the whole for to Be Divided in Eleven Equal parks I Give to my Daughter Sarah two parts And to my Daughter Cathren one part And a half I give to my Son Joshua two parts I give to my Son Benjamin one part I give to my Son Willaim two parts to my Daughter franck one part I give to my Daughter hannah one part And A half My heirs and Extrs wbome I ordain And Appat to this my Last will And testament is my wel Beloved wife Elisabeth Updike And my Son Benj Updike And By this I Disanul, all former wils and testaments whereunto I have Set my hand unto Albort Opdykk

Alburt Updike with a Seal Signed

in the Presents of Benj Stevens

Noah Gates John Price" (State Vaults, Trenton.)

1752, Aug. Will admitted to probate. The inventory of personal property included one "Servant man" at 12 pounds Sterling and amounted to 165 pounds Sterling in all............... ............. (Same.)

1761, Dec. 16. (Albert's widow) Elizabeth Opdyke deceased,late of Maidenhead, Hunterdon Co. Letters of Administration granted to John Opdike by Governor Josiah Hardy................... (Same.)

16. Albert OP DYCK was born in 1685 in Newtown, New York. He died in 1752 in Hopewell Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. was a planter in Maidenhead and Hopewell, N.J. near Princeton. He was married to Elizabeth.

17. Elizabeth.

Albert OP DYCK and Elizabeth had the following children:

i. John OPDYCKE was born in 1710 in Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died on August 10, 1777 in Amwell, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. Occupation Merchant Resided in Old Amwell (now Delaware) Township, Hunterdon County, N.J.; was a farmer, miller, merchant and Justice of the Peace; died 1777. Out of the dim light of early Hunterdon, one figure looms up in many directions. The county records mention him as a voter in 1738, Freeholder in 1750, Justice in 1755 and 1757 to 1768. The drawers of the County Clerk's office at Flemington contain two stately parchments under royal seals " to our trusty and well beloved John Opdycke," and his oaths of allegiance to George III and of his nonbeleif in Papacy, on taking office. The vaults of the Province of West Jersey at Burlington, and of the Secretary of State at Trenton, describe his ownership of four farms; county records connect him with two more; and old trunks probably contain his deeds for others. He was the first son named in the will of his father Albert; and was named after his grandfather (Johannes), as was the custom with the first-born. That he was not his father's executor, and that he alone of all the children received no share of the estate, arose doubtless from his having moved ten miles away, at least 14 years before, from Lawrenceville to Amwell where he was already established and prosperous. He was administrator of the estate of his mother Elizabeth nine years later. His will in 1777, signed with the same signature as his oaths of office, and probated by Governor Livingston, bequeathed slaves to his sons George, Samuel and Thomas, large sums of money to his children and grandchildren, and referred to previous gifts. The inventory shows a larger amount of personal property than almost any other will of its region and time. Thus much on the records.

ii. Joshua OP DYCK was born in 1713 in Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died in 1789 in Kingwood, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. Occupation: farmer

iii. William OP DYCK was born in 1715 in Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died in 1785 in Maidenhead, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. Occupation Farmer

8 iv. Benjamin OP DYCK.

v. Sarah OP DYCK was born in 1724 in Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. She died in 1804 in Amwell, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. Unmarried

vi. Catharine OP DYCK.

vii. Frank OP DYCK.

viii. Hannah OP DYCK.

21. Hannah.

Samuel DUSENBERY and Hannah had the following children:

i. Samuel DUSENBERY was born about 1715 in Hempstead, Queens Co., New York. He died in 1757 in Hempstead, Queens Co., New York. AFN:JCCO-Q7

10 ii. John DUSENBERY.

iii. Mary DUSENBERY was christened on April 20, 1718 in Dutch Church, Jamaica, Long Island, New York. AFN:JCCO-VW

iv. Sylvanus DUSENBERY was born about 1720 in Hempstead, Queens Co., New York. He died in 1781. AFN:JCCO-TQ

SIXTH GENERATION

JOHANNES OPDYCK

32. Johannes Lourense OP DYCK was born in 1651 in Gravesend, New York. He died on February 12, 1727/28 in Hopewell Twp., Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He was a lanter at Dutch Kills, Long Island, and in Maidenhead and Hopewell, N.J. He was married to Tryntie.

33. Tryntie. Names could be Catherine.

Born 1651 ; died 1729; married Catherine - ; was a planter at Dutch Kills, Long Island, and in Maidenhead and Hopewell, N. J.

Our sketch of Louris showed Johannes in 1660 at Gravesend at nine years of age losing his father; Johannes and his eldest brother Peter making wills in each others' favor ; and their widowed mother Christina marrying Lourens Petersen, who two years afterwards generously relinquishes Peter's contribution made for the lad's support. Two years later the three boys sell their farm at Gravesend and the family removes to Dutch Kills, and there in 1670 Johannes receives from his step-father 45 acres of upland and several acres of salt meadow, on or near the old Brutnell patent. From this time until his moving to New Jersey in 1697, we find more than 60 mentions of his transactions on the Newtown records; during the following 32 years of his life in West Jersey we find more than 40 mentions of his acts there in the records of his township, county and State. The greater part of all these refer to his numerous purchases of land and his suits in court, but others reveal his strong personality. We have found also six of his autographs, given above, and one document entirely in his own hand. With true Dutch obstinacy he long clung to his patronymic, writing his name Johannes Lourense, meaning Johannes the son of Lourens. This shows that his education was good, for accurate Dutch scholars tell us that Lourense is the correct patronymic of Lourens, of which Louris is another form. Later he added a w, Louwrense. In eight different deeds his name is written, (with slight variations of spelling by the clerk), Johannes Louwrensen op Dyck ; and in one, in 1713, Johannes Opdyck. The identification is certain. The same lands which he purchases under one name, he sells under the other; his stock-mark is always the same; his handwriting is always the same. His children are invariably called op Dyck, or Opdyck; they are thus married and thus baptize their children in the Dutch churches of New York and New Jersey, and they thus appear on hundreds of other records. And it is noticeable that the name is written in the Dutch form op Dyck ; where it is otherwise, it was doubtless the work of an English clerk, until the family finally accepted the change. Johannes however "is of the old rock.;" the Dutch patronymic is enough for him, and he rarely changes. In fact, if he had added his family surname it would be a reason for believing him not a true Hollander, but an Englishman, Frenchman or German. On his last bed of sickness, the old man once more relents and again signs Johannes Opdyck, to the will which the lawyer has so drawn; the neighbors so witness, the executors so prove, and the Governor so admits it to probate.

His home, during all the years he remained in Newtown, was on the old

Brutnell patent, which covered 100 acres on the east side of Dutch gills at the hook or point of entrance into Mespat Kill. Two miles east of him was Maspeth or English gills, the old ruined settlement of Richard Smith and his Taunton friends, broken up 20 years before by the savages. Three miles still further east was the more recent New England settlement, begun 12 years before under the name of Middelburg, a violently seditious colony, the leader of the English villages of Long Island in seceding to Connecticut and proclaiming allegiance to Charles II,- whereupon it called itself Hastings.At the English capture, the Duke of York named Long Island "Yorkshire," changed the name of Hastings to Newtown, "in the West '' Riding of Yorkshire," and gave it jurisdiction of Maspeth and Dutch Kills. :' The records of the town from 1659 are preserved in the Clerk's office at ', Newtown ; they contain the minutes of the town court to 1688, land titles to the Revolution, and town meetings until now. It was always an intensely English town, with an English Independent preacher, 'church and parsonage; in 1660, out of 35 males all were English but one Swede.

Johannes' home, as we have said, was five miles west, among a few Dutch farms planted 24 years before,-when the primeval forest was disturbed only by Indians, wild beasts and fowl, deer, beavers, and innumerable plumed songsters. The neighborhood could tell its own stories of dangers. Pieter Andriessen had been carried away captive by the savages nine years before, and the tale must have often been told by the young Andersons .'• while courting Johannes' three daughters. Only five years before, three Indians had come to the house of another Dutch settler at the Kills, and learning, while picking and boiling pigeons by the fire, that he had 80 guilders worth of wampum in the house, had that night murdered him„ his wife and two men. The Dutch farmers had concentrated for safety. On Smith's Island (now Maspeth Island), which they called Aernhem after the capital of Guelderland ; but their village had been broken up by order of the Council, that it might not 'hinder the growth of Bushwick, and the cottages had been removed. If any one now wishes to find Johannes' farm; let him cross the East River to Hunters Point and follow one mile up the: North bank of Newtown Creek until he crosses the north branch ; it is the tract between the east bank of this branch and the main creek, and runs eastward toward Calvary Cemetery. It is now a part of Long Island City' and adjoins Brooklyn.

Johannes' first 50 acres here, "bounded westerly by Burger's Creek." acquired when he was not yet 21 years old, may have been a gift of affection,:' for we find him the next year witnessing another deed of land at the gills,;,' to his brother Otto, from the step-father. Johannes' manhood was recognized two years later, when he signed a certificate of the election at Newtown of two deputies to wait upon the Commanders of the Dutch war ships. This is memorable as his first autograph so far found, but far more memorable as being made upon an occasion of great Dutch .rejoicing. Holland and England had been at war, and two Dutch Commodores, returning from the West Indies, quietly sailed their fleet up New York Bay, anchored under the fort, and summoned the English garrison to surrender, which it did without a shot. How joyfully the news must have flown from house to house at the Kills: "The Dutch have captured New York!" The English towns on Long Island hastened to send their delegates to surrender the staff of office and English colors to their Dutch conquerors. As the Newtown deputies were Englishmen, it is believed that Johannes had the pleasure of acting as interpreter on this occasion. The next year a peace between England and Holland returned the province to the English, in exchange for Surinam yielded to the Dutch.

This was the end of the Dutch sovereignty in North America. But the city which they founded has become the commercial centre of the continent, and the whole province still retains many of the features of its original settlers. Our Christmas merrymakings and gifts, New Year calls with their cakes and punch, Santa Claus with his tiny reindeers, Mayday movings and Easter eggs, are traditions and customs which we owe to our Holland ancestors.

One year later, Johannes appears upon the Newtown census of 1675, as having ten acres under tillage and five head of cattle. We must recollect that the settlers enclosed only so much of their land as they kept in a high state of cultivation, pasture being free upon the common lands of the town. These common lands were allotted to the settlers from time to time, and Johannes soon receives ten acres as his share. By this time he is married to Tryntie (Catherine), and has named his first daughter Tryntie. He has been diligent and is now a prosperous farmer, able to buy the farm of his step-father, (50 acres of the Brutnell patent,) with the dwelling house and farm buildings, oxen and farming utensils " and a 12 gallon copper kettle," for all of which he pays 1,000 guilders down and 1,500 more before two years have expired, "paid in tobacco, wheat and peese," according to agreement. This year, 1678, he has 20 acres under tillage, three horses, two oxen and nine head of cattle. He receives another allotment of 10 acres of town land, and sells his first 50 acres to Humphrey Clay who has been running a ferry over Maspeth Creek and wishes a farm convenient to his boat-landing. The next year Johannes buys 17 more acres; and the following year he purchases 20 additional of the Brutnell patent, valuable land already under cultivation. Then he sells 27 acres he has acquired of the town land.

The court records of Newtown, as in all other early colonies, are an amusing history of local disputes. Men bring suit against their neighbors for poor fences, for trespasses of cattle, for every little ground of quarrel; then there is a return suit for slander; and soon all are good friends again. ohannes is a party to twelve suits brought to a decision, of which he wins eight; others are settled by mutual agreement, or compromise in his favor. He found it necessary to maintain his rights perhaps the more frequently ,. for the reason that he was a Dutchman among Englishmen.

He evidently has a very strong sense of right and wrong. When his stock gets into Buckhout's pasture he " will not pay a stiver " to take his horse out of the pound, the fault probably being in Buckhout's fence. He has sharp words with Thomas Wandell about the encroachment of the latter's fence, and carries the matter to court, and Wandell is forced to make a just partition. An unnecessary suit is brought against him for a borrowed saddle, which he has lost but intends to replace; he sues the officious witness in this case for slander, and punishes him in damages. He himself is often a witness, amusing the court with a story of how the threatened lawsuit of Dr. Greenfield has been already settled by a kiss of the lovely widow Roelofsen, who, we are not surprised to find, soon marries again. At another time, he testifies " that he heard Edward Stevenson say he was to give John Bull ten shillings for to trim his orchard, but he had better given him some pounds to let it alone, for he had cut half the trees off it." He enjoys a game of cards, and, following the practice of all ranks of society at that day, he is not unwilling to play for a little money with honest men. But when he finds that his antagonist has cheated, he refuses payment and prosecutes the swindler relentlessly until he convicts him of the crime before judge and jury in the Mayor's Court of New York. He lacks the bump of veneration and tells the Newtown Justice that " he would do justice to some and not to others," whereupon of course he has to make his submission to the outraged majesty of the Court. Again, believing an allotment of town lands to be unfair, he declares in righteous indignation that the town records are false, and is made to retract '' by the land-grabbers who were always in a majority at Newtown.

But this is not the business of his life. He cares for his farm, and ap pears again upon the census in 1683 as a large cultivator. He is careful to record the ear-mark of his stock; he buys "a ball face horse with one white foot behind," "at an outcry;" he is interested in orchards, where the far famed Newtown pippin originated; he has his last purchases of land surveyed; he is one of the grantees under the Dongan patent; he joins with his old antagonist Wandell and another in an agreement to purchase 88 more acres; he receives another town lot; he is 12 times a witness to the deeds of others, and has become an authority in real estate even with his old court antagonists, from one of whom as godfather the son of Johannes receives a bequest by will.

Nor did Johannes forget that he was only four miles distant by water from New York, whither an hour's tide or a light oar would carry him on the then quiet river, past grassy banks under primeval forest trees. He bought a lot on Gold Street, by deed duly recorded at the time on the New York City records, as can be seen now at the recorder's office. No doubt he and his family often paid a social visit to their Dutch friends in that flourishing little town, who would in turn row up the river on a visit to the gills for a rubber of whist. We are satisfied that on such occasions no more attempts at cheating were tried upon Johannes. If the guests lingered and their return home was delayed until after the nine o'clock city bell, their way through the streets of New York would still be lighted by the lanterns hung by poles from every seventh house.

On his farm Johannes raised wheat, peas, rye, corn, flax, and especially tobacco. His orchard produced in abundance apples, pears and peaches. As he cleared new land, he made the wood into pine-staves, a common article of export, for which Newtown elected two inspectors. There was also a town inspector of meat and fish barrelled for exportation; and Johannes' residence on the creek, near the river islands and Hellegat, would " supply him with fish before he could leave off the recreation." His eldest son Lawrence, (named in true Dutch style for the grandfather), could easily bring down with his gun a fat deer. The second son, Albert, could furnish the house with stores, of wild fowl, or amuse himself with spearing and trapping the valuable beaver. The daughters, Tryntie, Engeltie and Annetie, would readily find in the woods an oversupply of strawberries, raspberries, mulberries, huckleberries, cranberries, plums and grapes for the table. The garden furnished melons and any vegetable one chose to plant, with all the fruitfulness of a virgin soil." You shall scarce see a house but the south side is begirt with hives of bees which increase after an incredible manner," wrote Denton in 1670.

Surplus products he exchanged by barter, for currency was scarce; we find-one man buying a house and farm with "600 lbs. of tobacco, 1,000 clapboards and half a fat of strong beer;" another exchanging `° a negro boy" for land. Prices were: beef 2d, pork 3d, butter 6d per pound; wheat 5s, rye 2s 6d, corn 2s per bushel; victuals 6d per meal, labor 2s 6d per day, lodgings 2d per night, board 5s per week, beer 2d per mug.

His stock gave him little trouble. He sent the swine to the meadows on the south side of Long Island that they might live upon the shell-fish on the beach and not injure his corn fields. His cattle and young horses had grass knee-high on the town commons in summer, and his own meadows furnished them in winter the salt hay which was found necessary for their health.

Wolves were his worst enemies. It is related that one of the Newtown farmers, going at dusk to turn loose his horses,.was beset by a number of these beasts from a neighboring swamp, and drove them off only by spring ing upon a stump and lashing them lustily with the halters. The place still called Wolf Swamp is on the east side of the Narrow Passage. As we find Johannes mentioned 1679 and 1690 as having owned ten acres adjoining "the Narrow Passage," he may have been the farmer who fought wolves, with halters. For their destruction the town offered a bounty of twenty shillings a head, to be paid by the constable, who nailed the heads over his door. They were caught by the Indians in traps, or killed with powder and shot which the whites allowed for this purpose. The Indians had in 1666 sold their last hunting grounds, and few remained at Newtown. Their stone axes and arrow heads are still ploughed up; extensive deposits of burnt shells, the remains of their clam roasts, have been used to fertilize the`' farms; the marks of their burial places are at this day obliterated, but the' localities are known.

The neighborhood was given another serious alarm in 1675 by the Indian war in New England. Through the advice of the Governor, the English of Newtown surrounded their meeting house with a stockade for a refuge,; kept a "double and strict watch," and seized all the canoes on the north shore. But the defeat of the savages in New England and the death of King Philip put an end to their fears. The Dutch farmers at the distant; Kills must have fortified their homes, or built a fort of their own, we are told that Bushwick and other villages were surrounded by palisades until 1720..:

Johannes had to attend militia drill four days every year, and one day the general training of the Riding. We picture to ourselves a strong, solid,' determined figure, with brown hair, blue eyes and Opdyke features, carrying "a good serviceable gunn, a good sword, bandoleers or horne, a worme, a scowerer, a priming wire, shot bag and charger; one pound of good powder, four pounds of pistol bullets, or 24 bullets fitted to the gunn, four fathom of serviceable match for match-lock gunn, or four good flints fitted for a fire-lock gunn." Thus equipped he would repair on horseback to Newtown to be instructed "in all postures of warre, watching and ward ing." If he failed to attend, he must pay a fine, which went to furnish the company with halberds or battle-axes, drums and colors. Disorder conduct on parade was punished with the " stocks, riding wooden horse," &c. The drill was begun and ended with public prayer, and followed by a town meeting where laws were enacted that settlers must maintain fences,. grub the highway, and remove stumps in front of their lots. On such occasions the character of new-comers was investigated before they were allowed to settle; a new clergyman was called and given fifty acres for hi".; support. Johannes must have voted for the town-meeting declaration which abolished the compulsory tax to maintain the Independent Church; substituting "a free-will offering, what every man will give." He doubtless dropped down the river in his skiff to attend the Dutch Church at New York, or drove his stout farm team and wagon to Brooklyn or over the hills to Flatbush. Unfortunately a great part of the old church records of Brooklyn and Flatbush are now lost.

The census of 1683 showed, that Johannes had more cultivated acres and stock than the average of his fellow townsmen. Newtown then contained about 500 population, one eighth as many as New York, for that now mighty city could boast that year only 4,000 people.

In 1687 the Newtown militia mustered 125 men. In 1692 its first fulling-mill was erected. It always encouraged honest craftsmen to settle, by giving them land. The distant little neighborhood at Dutch Kills formed an independent community, where every farmer practiced some useful mechanical branch.

Thatched roofs were passing away. Toil had brought comfort, but no luxuries. Carpets were yet unknown. Furniture was of heavy oak. The table was still set with pewter platters and plain earthenware. Few families used table forks, for it was the universal fashion to eat with the fingers. The usual dress was of homespun linsey-woolsey. For a prosperous farmer the dress suit was a black or grey coat of this material, tight breeches of deerskin fastened with huge buckles at the knee, long hose, stout shoes with brass or silver-plated buckles, and a large beaver hat. We suspect however that Johannes retained the Dutch belted doublet, easy short clothes, and tapering hat. Neighbors showed more friendship than now; if needed, they assisted in harvest, or brought their teams to help cart home the winter store of wood when cut. Wives and daughters came to the corn-husking and the spinning-frolic, plying their wheels at the latter until the flax or wool of the hostess was converted into thread. We doubt if any could show a neater house or whiter yarn than Catherine and her girls.

The time arrives when Johannes is blessed" with a large family of children; two of his daughters are married, and three infantile voices call him grandfather. Dutch Kills are too small for his household and herds. His sons and sons-in-law want more room. Restless spirits are talking of the Jerseys as a very paradise for climate and soil, how its government is liberal, taxes low, land plentiful and cheap. Letters are read, and experienced men are quoted, that between the Raritan and the Delaware is a rich rolling country where clear streams are crossed with every mile of travel, "where you shall meet with no inhabitants but a few friendly Indians, where there are stately oaks whose broad-branched tops .have no other use but to keep off the sun's heat from the wild beasts of the wilderness, where is grass as high as a man's middle, that serves for no other end except to maintain the elks and deer, who never devour a hundredth part of it, then to be burnt every Spring to make way for new." Can we wonder that Johannes and his family longed to settle upon those broad acres? We imagine these keen resolute men and courageous women thoughtfully discussing the matter by the winter fireside, while the plan was encouraged by the unanimous voice of the children, fired with the spirit of adventure.

The history of the Jerseys was more familiar then than it is now. The. Dutch West India Company had never successfully settled "Achter Kol," as they sometimes called it, excepting along the Hudson. On the Delaware River the Indians had murdered the first Dutch colonists at Gloucester and Fort Nassau, the Dutch and Swedes had joined in driving off an English colony from Salem, and the Dutch fleet had captured and shipped back to. Europe the Swedish colonists between Camden and Cape May. In 1664 there were a few small settlements on the Hudson and Delaware, containing not 500 people in all. The interior lay buried in mystery, unsettled and unexplored. Some paths led the Indians from the mountains to gather stores of shell and fish at the seashore. Two old Indian trails kept open the communication between New York and the forts on the Delaware, and the infrequent intercourse was maintained by letters and packages carried from tribe to tribe by Indian runners. Charles II granted the territory to his brother the Duke of York who sold it to his friends Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, naming it after the island of Jersey which Carteret had held for Charles against the Parliament. Berkeley sold West Jersey for £1,000 to Fenwick and Byllinge, who transferred it in 1674 to William Penn and other Quakers. The West Jersey Constitution and Laws, adopted at Burlington, gave more religious and political freedom than was then elsewhere known; it was far more the cradle of liberty in America than the boasted Rhode Island, Maryland, or Pennsylvania. East Jersey was bought at auction by Penn and his Quaker friends in 1682 for £3,400 and the Jerseys were then united in one government under an Assembly meeting at Elizabeth Town, which had been named for the wife of Sir George Carteret. The West Jersey Proprietors continued to conduct land sales at their office in Burlington, where their surveys are preserved to this day by their Surveyor General. The new settlers of the Jerseys were at first largely the persecuted, Quakers and Baptists from England and New England, Covenanters from Scotland, and Huguenots from France. Shiploads came from England, direct from imprisonment for religion's sake A few Dutch and English from Long Island settled in Monmouth County or were scattered along the Raritan. There were not 2,000 males over 16 years of age in the Jerseys in 1697, when Johannes made a journey of investigation, saw the land that it was good, and bought in April 250 acres above the Falls of the Delaware."

In May or June the whole family moved from Dutch Kills in wagons, and in carts, with horses and oxen, furniture and farming utensils,-their herds of stock in the rear doubtless driven by a negro slave or two, who formed part of the establishment of every prosperous planter in those days. Their route lay through Flatbush to a ferry at the Narrows, across Staten Island, and up the Raritan to its lowest fording-place, Inian's Ferry. Here they were perhaps joined by the women and children who had come in the easier way by boat on the Bay. Thence they followed the old Indian trail, then called "the King's highway," across the State,-in recent days the turnpike from New Brunswick through Princeton to Trenton, none of which towns were even contemplated at the period we are describing. In the party were Enoch, Joshua and Cornelius Anderson, husbands of Tryntie, Engeltie and Annetie. We can faintly imagine the delight of all at the far rolling views, the ever-varying scenery of hill and dale, the richness of the vegetation, and the beauty of the babbling brooks by whose sides they encamped and ate of the fish, game and fruit of the untrodden forest.

The letters of the first West Jersey settlers read as though they could scarcely find words to express their enthusiasm. " It is a country that produceth all things for the support and sustenance of man in a plentiful manner. If it were not so, I should be ashamed of what I had written before." "I have travelled throughout most of the places that are settled and some that are not, and in every place I find the country very apt to answer the expectations of the diligent." " I have seen and known this summer forty bushels of wheat of one bushel sown, and many more such instances I could bring which would be too tedious to mention.""The country is a brave country." "As good a country as any man need to dwell in." "As good as any in England." The Delaware was universally described as "a goodly and noble river," the soil was rich and fertile. " The air," wrote Gabriel Themes in 1698, " is very delicate, pleasant and wholesome, the heavens serene, rarely overcast, bearing mighty resemblance to the better part of France." They found the country good; "so good," wrote one, "that I do not see how reasonably it can be found fault with. The country and air seem very agreeable to our bodies, I do believe this river of Delaware is as good a river as most in the world."

On went Johannes and his family across Millstone River and Stony Brook, to the Eight Mile Run of the Assanpink, six miles east of the Delaware river, close to what is now Lawrenceville of Lawrence township in Mercer County. It was then Burlington County of West Jersey, up to the New York State line; and the whole unsettled country north of the Assanpink, from the Delaware to the old province line, was called Maidenhead after a castle in England. From it three years later was set off Hopewell township; and it was not until 1714 that Maidenhead, Hopewell, and all north of them were set off as Hunterdon County.

Johannes had chosen well, and his locality was soon settled by the most enterprising of his old neighbors of Newtown. Most of the names which we find on the records belonging to Maidenhead are those which we have found for 50 years previous at Newtown. No better men ever settled in the wilderness. They made the land blossom as a garden, and 'their names are now borne in all parts of our country by deserving descendants, who have however forgotten their worthy ancestors at Maidenhead. But these pioneers have left their mark, and Lawrence township is now filled, with fine old farm mansions surrounded by grand shade trees and richly; cultivated fields. The stranger recognizes at once the presence of long continued prosperity and historical associations. The author passed through it on horseback, from Princeton to Trenton, before he knew its history or its connection with his ancestors, and he was much struck by it even then.

There is a well-preserved tradition among the desoendants that the carts, of the Opdyck settlers were turned up at night to shelter the women and` children until a few days work with axes and stout arms had prepared the first log-houses, into which the family moved with sensations of which perhaps we in our days have no conception.

Food was abundant; it was from the mouth of the Assanpink that Mahlon Stacy wrote a short time before: "I have seen peaches in such plenty that some people took their carts a peach gathering. I could not but smile at the conceit of it. They are a very delicate fruit and hang almost like onions that are tied on ropes. My brother Robert had as many cherries this year as would have loaded several carts. It is my judgment by what I have observed, that fruit trees in this countr destroy themselves by the very weight of their fruit. As for venison and owls we have great great plenty. We have brought home to our houses by the Indians seven or eight fat bucks of a day; and sometimes put by as many, having no occasion for them and fish in their season very plenteous. * * * There is plenty of beef and pork and good sheep, and cheap. * * * The common grass of the country feeds beef very fat. * * * In Burlington there are eight or nine fat oxen and cows in a market day and very fat. * * *

There are plenty of most sorts of fish ever seen in England besides new ones not known there; * * * and fowls plenty, as ducks, geese, turkeys, pheasants, partridges and many others. * * * I live as well to my content and in as great plenty as I ever did, and in a far more likely way to get an estate."

Meanwhile Johannes himself, exploring further, has on July 12th bough four miles to the northwest, 1050 acres (in fact 1300 acres) extending 1 3/8 miles north and south, 2 miles east and west, and including the site of the present village of Pennington, the largest single purchase in Hopewell. Four months later he buys 200 acres more, adjoining the "land laid out for the town's use." All of these are deeded to Johannes Louwrensen op Dyck; and in this name he records at Burlington his same old ear-mark of stock. Early in the next year he appears third on the list of 33 male inhabitants of Maidenhead who take a deed of 100 acres in trust, "for ye Erecting of a Meeting House and for Burying Ground and School House, the list includes his son Lawrence and his three Anderson sons-in-law. Then, during three years, he is a member of the Grand Jury at Burlington. He seems to have owned a tract on Stony Brook within Maidenhead," according to a deed in 1701 from Ralph Hunt to Wm. Alburtus. He sells his large purchase of what is now Pennington for £200, double what it cost him. In the Supreme Court at Burlington he defends a suit which is with-drawn the following year. He buys 12 acres in what is now Trenton and sells it to his son-in-law Epoch; who becomes later one of the founders of that city, and is already Judge of Common Pleas of the Court held at Burlington. In 1708 Johannes writes with his own hand the certificate signed by Ralph Hunt and himself, and quoted later. Four years later he joins in a Town Meeting where he, his son Lawrence, and two of his sons-in-law, are among the largest subscribers to the expenses of setting off Hunterdon County. The next year "Johannes Opdyck of Maidenhead" gives a quitclaim deed for the 50 acres on Dutch gills which he received from his step-father in 1670 and sold in 1678 to Humphrey Clay.

The New Jersey records from 1697 to 1713 describe him as of Maidenhead. In 1714 he is mentioned in a deed as adjoining Alexander Lockhart and Captain Hallet, upon Stony Brook in Hopewell; this may be the date of his removal to the new township where he owned several tracts of land.It was in Hopewell that his son Albert was one of the founders of the Baptist Church, and that Annetie's husband Cornelius Anderson had a mill near a school-house, was tax-collector and one of the founders of the first Presbyterian church (at Ewing), as was also Tryntie's husband Enoch Anderson, who owned a large part of Trenton, then in Hopewell. Trenton then "contained scarcely a house;" and in a private dwelling there (perhaps Epoch's) was held the new Hunterdon County Court from 1714 to 1719, and alternately at the church meeting-house in Maidenhead. In 1721 Johannes was 70 years of age, yet some evil-doer in Hunterdon County stood in such terror of the old man's physical vigor as to apply to the Court for protection. The early records of Hopewell township are lost, as are those of the Presbyterian churches of Maidenhead and Hopewell. A Dutch Clergyman from Bucks County, Pa., baptised in Hopewell six children of Annetie, Tryntie, and Engeltie in 1710 and 1712; Lawrence baptised a son in the Dutch church of the Raritan in 1704. The records of the Dutch churches are in the language of Holland, as was their preaching; we know therefore that Johannes and his children still clung to the Dutch religion and language even in the Jersey wilderness.

It would seem from mentions in deeds for adjoining land that Johannes must have owned yet other tracts than those above described. The two large volumes at Trenton, called Bass and Revel's Books, contain chiefly deeds from the West Jersey proprietors, and are written so fine as to strain the eyes to read even with a magnifying glass. Conveyances from individuals were not usually recorded but were preserved only in private chests and attics. It is only from another conveyance forty years later that we learn that Johannes, a few years before his death, sold or gave to his son-in-law Enoch 150 acres of his first purchase. He no doubt followed the old custom and while still living divided the bulk of his property among his children.

During the 32 years of Johannes' life in West Jersey, the country was a sparsely settled frontier. Trenton was just started, Princeton and Pennington were not yet begun. The only thing like a village, in all of West Jersey north of Burlington, was this settlement now called Lawrenceville, where his son Lawrence and son-in-law Joshua Anderson remained and were prominent. The trading was done at Burlington, which in those days was a rival of Philadelphia. In 1715 there were only four or five houses along the King's Highway between New Brunswick and the "Falls of the Delaware " (Trenton), but in 1730 it was described with pride as "a continual lane of fences and good farm-houses," and eighteen years later as the best peopled place in America outside of the towns.

When we imagine Johannes' Jersey home, we think of no high-posted and canopied bedstead, tall clock or tiled fire-place. We picture a long log-house, with half doors; and chimney wide enough to hold the family and smoke the venison, with great logs hauled in by oxen through the opposite doors. The floor is carpeted with white sand from the seashore. On the walls are deer-skin suits and fur coats; from the beams hang guns, powder horns and nets. Above in the garret is stored a heavy heap of grain. No bolt is on the door; with true Dutch hospitality, rum, sugar, and molasses, or the barrel of cider, stand ever ready for the guest. Outside the house are nailed wolf and panther heads. In the rear are the oven the forge, the carpenter's shop, the wooden ploughs and the sickles. On the front stoop, beneath the shadows of giant forest trees, sits Johannes watching his great-grandchildren swinging on grape-vines from boughs one hundred feet above, while his sleek horses and large Holstein cattle lie in the tall grass of the meadow on the Run, and the yellow grain waves its forty-fold increase in the newly cleared fields.

Feb. 12, 1729, at the age of 78 years, Johannes Opdyck made his will in Hopewell. His wife was already dead. In the touching formula and quaint spelling of the day, he left his property to be equally divided among his eight children then living, and appointed his son Lawrence and grandson Eliakim, son of Annetie, his executors. Two months later he died and the will was admitted to probate by Governor Montgomery; it is now preserved, with a few others of that period, in the vaults of the State House at Trenton. The statement of his executors is beautifully engrossed and stitched with silk cord, in a style superior to that of other similar papers there filed; we have reproduced its first page.

The burial place of Johannes and his wife is unknown. The graveyards of the old Dutch church at Harlingen and of the Presbyterian churches of Lawrenceville and Ewing contain many tombstones of sufficient antiquity, but their inscriptions are now illegible. Perhaps the aged couple were solemnly laid to rest in some private enclosure amidst the forest they loved so well, where the keenest eye may now search in vain for their levelled hillocks and gray stones.

Let us revere the name of our sturdy ancestor, who in two States met the savage, the wild beast and the wilderness, and left in their stead the farm, the mill, the school, the organization of township and county, the deter mined Dutch love of freedom under just and equal law. It was a long stride in civilization. His descendants have inherited the benefits of his life as unconsciously as they have many of the traits of his character.

Records.

1660, Mch. 16; .. 1662, Jan. 9 ; .. 1664, July 3. Johannes Loras, his mother, brothers and step-father Loras Peeters at Gravesend. See records already quoted under Louris Jansen Opdyck.

1670, Mch. 10. Johanas Loroson of Maspeth gills buys of his father-in-law (step-father) Lorens Petersen, land 45 rods broad and 300 rods long, with salt meadows thereto belonging, "between the land of Jno. Riders and the sd land of Jno. Woolstencraft * * * for a certain parcel of money in hand paid." (The dimensions given, in Dutch measurement, show the land to have contained 22 1/2 morgens, or 45 acres in English measure).. (Newtown Rec. I, small page 134.)

1678; Feb. 2. Immediately following the record of the conveyance just quoted comes: "I Johanes Loroson above sd doe and by these present assing and make over unto Humfry Clay Juner his eayrs Executor or assing for Ever this bove Land or Madow with all the Rites therin spasifyet in the bove sd bill of sayle. * * * (Autograph.) "Johanes Lourense".(Newtown Rec. I, small page 134.)

1680, Jan. 19. In the second and larger book of Newtown records, now bound with the earlier and smaller book, we find: "I Humphry Clay Juner formerly of newtowne doe asine and make over unto Thomas parsell of the same place all my Rite & titell off bill of sale that was assinged over unto mee from Johanes Lorason In the yere 1677-8 being Recorded In the ould boock of Records of this towne, * * * & do owne to have receaved a negroe boy of the sd parcel in full Satisfaction. Witnes Johanes Loroson."..(Newtown Rec. I, large page 140.)

1682, Feb. 22. Thomas Parsell transfers all his interest in the bill of sale recorded "in the leafe: page 139" (consisting of pages 139 and 140), to William Alburtis .... (Newtown Rec. I, large page 138.)

(This phrase, " leafe: page 139," was doubtless meant to refer both to page 140 just cited, as well as to page 139 where was recorded another conveyance from Humphry Clay to Thomas Parsell, on the same day, for the same consideration, and for what seems to have been adjoining land).

1686, May 5. William Alburtis transfers all his interest " of this bill of sale " to Thomas Skillman . . . (Newtown Rec. I, large page 329.)

There being no record of any other conveyance by Alburtis after the bill of sale from Parsell to him in 1682, we conclude that this transfer of 1686 refers to the one of 1682 and was probably endorsed on its back. Alburtis's transfer to Skillman not being recorded in conjunction with his purchase from Parsell and not describing it, a doubt would have arisen from the records as to what Skillman's purchase covered, and this doubt must have been increased by the ambiguity of the " leafe : page 139" above mentioned. It was probably to remove this uncertainty that the following quit-claim deed was given.

1713, Aug. 8. "Johannes Opdyck of Maidenhead * * * for divers good Causes and Considerations * * * hath Remised Released and forever Quitt Claymed * * * unto Thomas Skillman of Newtown * * * all that certain meassuage or Tenement and plantation now in the possession of ye sd Skillman Situate Lying and being at Mashpath gills in ye limits of Newtown above sd containing by estimate fifty acres more or less, and is bounded as followeth (viz) Northerly by the land heretofore belonging to John Woolstencraft & now in ye possession of ye sd Thomas Skillman * * * Southerly by ye land formerly belonging to Daull. Whitehead but now in the possession of Jacob Fyn and Westerly by Burgers

Creek * * * Johannes Opdyck"...... (Newt. R., III, 15: ),

That this was the same land that Johannes bought of hi step-father in 1669, is shown by the concurrence of the following facts:

1. Both conveyances mention John Woolstencraft as an adjoining owner; and Jacob Fyn, mentioned as an ad= pining owner in the last conveyance. is known to have acquired land, at Mespat gills and adjoining Brutnell's patent, through John Rider mentioned as an adjoining owner in the first conveyance.

2. The 45 acres "with salt meadow thereto belonging" o the first conveyance closely correspond with the `° fifty acres, more or less," of the last conveyance.

3. There are no other conveyances by or to Thomas Skill' man, that are not clearly of other land.

It is remarkable that Johannes did not execute this quit-claim deed of 1713, in the name (Johannes Lourense) in which he had originally taken and given the title, as is the legal custom. We must infer that his old neighbors request that he sign his correct name Johannes Opdyck.

1671, Aug. 11. Johannes Lourensen witnesses a deed of land at Mesp gills from Loras Peterson to Otto Louris.. (Newt. R.,1, small page 71.)

1673, Aug. 6. Johannes Lourense and others sign a certificate of the election at Newtown of two deputies to wait upon the commanders of the Dutch war ships, (doubtless the ships that had just captured New York). Autograph ................ (Newt. R., I, small page 176.)

1675, Sept. Johanes Lorus appears on " A List of the Estate of Newtow Septr. 1675," for 1 male, 10 upland (his house lot or arable land) and meadow, 1 cow, 1 three year old, 2 two year olds, 1 one year old and 1 pig ........................... (Doc. Hist. N. Y., II, 267.)

1676, Feb. 20. Johannes Lourenson is a witness with Thomas Wandell to a deed for land at Mespat gills ....................... (Newt. R.)

1678, Jan. 31. Johanis Loroson buys of his father-in-law (step-father) Lorens Peterson, both of Maspeth gills, "lot of lands and orchets and land and dwelling housing and all other buildings therewith belonging and also one pair of oxen and all other materials belonging unto the farm and one copper kettle holding about 12 gallons ; the said land being bounded by the land of Peter Roullosons to the E., and on the W. that land that was Wm. Shackerlyes, on the rare bounded by

Thos. Wandell * * * for the just sum of 2500 guilders wampum or the value thereof, to be paid in tobacco and wheat and peese, to be paid in four payments, the first to be paid in April the year 1676, 1000 guilders; the second in April 1677, 500 guilders; the third and the last of April 1678 and 1679, 500 guilders pr. yere all the full sum to be paid."

Receipt for 1720 guilders paid the same day. ... (Newt. R., I, 133.)

1680, Nov. 19, receipt for the full 2500 guilders," wampum value."

1678, Feb. 2. Johanes Lourense sells to Humphry Clay Jr. the land that he had bought from his step-father in 1670. Autograph.... (Newt. R., I.134.)

1678, Apr. 1. Johanes Lores and Peter Rouleson are each allotted by the town of Newtown about 10 acres of land "for ther owne forever not interrupting any man's lots ........... (Newt. R., I.)

1678, Sep. 24. Johanis Lores appears on "A List of the Estates of the Inhabitance of Newtowne, on L. I.," for 1 head, 20 land, (20 acres under tillage,) 2 oxen, 3 coves, 1 three-year-old, 5 year-old, 2 horses, 1 two-year-old, 1 swine ......... (Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y. XIV, 738.)

1678. Dec. 11. Johanas Loreson has laid out for him of upland " 10 acres or therabouts nex to Peter Rouloson's 80 rods long, 20 rods wide, running as the other doth, fronting both towards Woolstencraft's meadow, lying nere Burgers Slus................ (Newt. R., I, 96.)

1678, Dec. 21. Johanis Loroson witnesses a deed from Peter Roullson to John Desent, of 10 acres similar to and adjoining the above..(Newt. R., I, 110.)

1679, Oct. 7. Johanes Loroson buys the last-mentioned 10 acres. . . . (Newt. R., I,110. )

1679, Oct. 13. Johanes Loroson buys of John Desent 7 acres more or less that has been laid out 29 Sep. 1679, "bounded on the W. by Johanes Loroson land, on the E. by land of Thos. Parsell, on the S. by Jno.Woolstencraft, and on the N. by the path that goes to Rivers Mill, running 20 rods in breadth, near the Narrow Passage that goes into Hell Gate Neck .............................. (Newt. R., 1, 149.)

1680, Feb. 3. Johanes Loroson testifies in a suit at Newtown between Dr. John Greenfield and the widow Roelofson: "Johanes Loroson aged 29 yers or therabouts, being sworne in Court that dockter Greenfield and Gershom Moore came to the hous of John Desent and the sd Greenfield did in the pr'sents of this deponent speek to the Counstable to summons the widow Roullson to Court, whereupon the Counstable sd that he would send for the widdow that they may agree without going to Court. Soe she came, and after some word betweene them the sd dockter sd if slice would give him a kis he would aquit her of what was betwene them; and she did soe, and give each other the hand upon it and further saith not"... (Newt. Ct. R., 112.)

1680, Jan. 19. Johanes Loroson witnesses two deeds of Humphry Clay.... (Newt. .R., I, 139-40.)

1680, Apr. 29. Johanis Loroson, for 12 pounds and 10 shillings, buys of Thos. Wandell " a certain parcel of land lying at the said (Mespat) Kills, beginning at a certain stake by the land of John Woolstencrafts, running S. S. W. by the rere of Thos. Parcells, 61 rods in length, and ranging into the woods, in breadth 52 rods, Run N. N. E. 61 rods and thence W. N. W. 52 rods. In all 20 acres .... (Newt. R., 1, 175.)

1680, Apr. 30. Johanes Loroson witnesses a deed of Thos. Wandell.. (Newt. R., I, 185.)

1680, May 4. Johanes Loroson is defendant in "action of debt due bill" brought by Robert Barloe. * * * "The court finds for the deff and that it is a needles sute and the plt is to pay the cost of sut." (Newt. Ct, R., 117.)

1680, June 23. Johanas Loroson is defendant in an action of debt " due by bill" brought by Robt. Barloe. "The Court finds for the plaintiff. That the bill is due and is to be paid in three dayes according to bill at Johanes house In Newtowne: thay alsoe find the sute to be needles and upon that acount the plltif is to pay the Cost of Sates ".. (Newt. Ct. R., 118)

1680, Nov. 29. Johaness Lorason sells to Thos. Parsell 27 acres " or thereabouts." The description shows this to be the ten acres laid out for Johannes in Dec. 1678, and the ten and seven acres bought by hin of Desent in Oct. 1679........................ (Newt. R., I, 185.)

1681, Feb. 22. Johanes Loroson witnesses a deed by Thos. Parsell.. . . (Newt. R., I, 138.)

1681, Aug. 1. Johannes Loras witnesses a deed by Thos. Wandell. .. . (Newt. R., I, 195.)

1681, Aug. 23. "Johes Laurensen Ptf., Edward Tayler Deft. The plt having Attached the Deft's estate to Answer him in an action of Trespasse upon the Case to ye Value of forty eight pounds, And in his Declaracon Declared against him ye Deft. for Cheateing him att play, but mentioned noe Time. The Deft, pleaded the Variance between the Writt and the Declaracon & Therefore prayed a non-suite, wch the Court thought fitt to grant and Ordered the plt. to pay Costs.

" The Sd Plt. Cbargeing the Deft. to be a Cheate & that he would prove it. The Court Ordered him to be bound over in 50 1. Recognizance to O'r. Sovereigne Lord the King to prosecute & make good the same. And the Deft. in the like to Answer this Court, which the(y) Accordingly Entered into in Open Court."

Two pages later: "Johannes Laurenson, who as well &c. Presented an Indictmt. agt. Edward Tayler for Cheateing him att Cards. To wh the sd Tayler pleaded not Guilty. Partyes with their Evidences being fully heard & matter Debated, It was Reffered to ye Jury, who found him Guilty of Cheate according to Evidence. The sd Tayler being a Souldier in the Garrisson, the Court Resolved to acquaint Capt. Brockholls therewith before they proceed to Judgm't" (Min. of Mayor's Court, in Office Clerk Ct. Coin. Pl., N. Y. City.)

The rough minutes of the court give a fuller account of Johannes's prosecution against Tayler: * * * "ffranseway Supines Deposition Read. Theophilus Crawford Sworne Sayth yt abt. ye 18^th or 19 of Aprill last he saw Lawrenson & Tayler play att Cards att ye house of Abram Corbett. & then 18 sh was lost, & ye next day 6 sh more & bills were given. & abt. ye 26th of May he heard Tayler owne yt he had Cheated him. - but saw no cheating play."

"Johes Lawrenson Sworne Sayth that Tayler Confessed to him he Cheated him and Darby troad on his foot.

"Darby Bryan & Lucas Bryan declared their knowledge. Bryan sayes he knew of noe Cheating play * * * Reffered to ye jury * * * Who find him guilty of Cheateing according to Evidence."

1681, Dec. 21. Johannes Larensen is defendant in a suit brought by Jno. Tuder before the Court of Sessions for Kings County at Gravesend, L. I. It was an action for debt on a bill for 12 pounds made by defendant 19 Apr. 1681. The defense seems to have been that the bill was given upon a gaming consideration. The written testimony of one witness was "that he saw Edward Taylor and Johannes Laurensen playing at cards at Abr. Corlet's, and did observe that Darby Bryan looked in Taylor's face and put his foot to Taylor's, supposing to give notice what cards he had in his hand."

The matter was then still " depending " at the Mayor's Court of New York.

At a later court held at Gravesend 21 Jun. 1682 judgment was given for the Pltf. with costs, and the deft's motion for a review was denied....... . ... (Kings Co. Ct. Rec. 21. Co. Clerk's Off., Bkln.)

1682, Dec. 12. Johannes Lawrenson recorded the plaintiff's receipt for 6 pounds in full satisfaction for the judgment. (Queens Co. Deeds, A., 2.)

1682, Feb. 9. Johannes Lawrenson testifies before Court of Sessions at Gravesend............................. (Kings Co. Ct. Rec., 27.)

1682, Jun. 22. Johannes Lawrenson testifies before Court of Sessions at Gravesend in a criminal prosecution against Katharine Shaycroft... (Kings Co. Ct. Rec.)

1682, Sep. 5. Johanes Loroson is defendant in an action of debt brought before the Town Court at Newtown by Jno. Woolstencraft. Judgment for plaintiff with costs; and Johanis Loroson brings an action of debt in the same Court against Jno. Woolstencraft. Judgment for plaintiff with costs.. (Newt. Ct. R., 140, 3.)

1682, Oct. 3. Johanis Loroson is defendant in an action of trespass on the case brought by Peter Johnson Buckhood. Wm. Alburtis, "aged 30 years or thereabouts," testified on oath that "Buckhood came to this deponent's house and desired me to come to price some damage that Johannis horse and cattle had done him; and when I came thither I saw Johannis cattle in Peter's pasture, and the sd Peter told me that he had his horse in hould also; so myself and Thos. Parsell looked over the damage and value it to four scippell of Indian corn. And so we went to the wife of Johannis to demand the damage, her husband being not at home. So she made answer if her creatures had done the damage she would pay it. So the sd Peter questioning whether her husband would agree to it. So I advised the said Peter to let the woman have the cattle, and to keep the horse whilst her husband came home, and further saith not."

Roullif Peterson, "aged 27 years or thereabout " testified on oath that" Buckhood asked Johanis Loroson whether he would pay the damage that his creatures had done, and the sd Johanis sd he would not pay hint a stiver; so, Replied Peter, I will bring the horse to the pound. So replied Johanis, you may if you will, for I will never fetch him out, and further saith not."

Judgment for the plaintiff with costs, and " if Johanes Loroson will not Replefe his horse and pay the Cost, then the horse to be sold forthwith............................ (Newt. Ct. R., 142, 3.)

1682, Dec. 5. Johanes Loroson is defendant in an action of trespass on the case brought by Jno. Rider. Judgment for the defendant with costs.................................... (Newt. Ct. R., 146, 7.)

1682, Dec. 5. Johanis Loroson is defendant in an action of debt brought by Jno. Woolstencraft. "I, John Rider, am ready to depose that Johannes Lawrence brought a bridle and saddle belonging to Mr. Woolstencrafts to my house, and some tyme after, itt being night, bee tould me bee tooke them out of my house and went to Jamaica where bee lost the saddle, but had left order to see to gett it, else he must pay for it." Judgment for the plaintiff, "and that the def do return the Saddell and Bridell or the value, with Cost of Sate." (Newt. Ct. R., 146, 7.)

1682, Dec. 5. Johanis Loroson enters an action of slander against Jno. Rider. Judgment for the plaintiff, "and the def to pay the plaintif tenn shillings and cost of sute............... (Newt. Ct. R., 146, 8.)

1682, Dec. 5. Johanis Loroson enters a complaint against Wm. Alburtis. Judgment for the defendant with costs...... (Newt. Ct. R., 146, 8.)

1682, Dec. 20. At a Court of Sessions held at Gravesend, " The Constable of Newtown presents Johannes Lourenson for giving the Justice abusive Language and saying he would doe Justice to some and not to others. Upon his submission to ye Ct. and Justice Betts, * * * the Ct. will pass it bye at this time.".. .. (Kings Co. Ct. Rec., 14:)

1683, June 20. Johannes Lowrenson testifies in a suit at Newtown, brought by Thos. Wandell against Geo. Wood.

1683, Sep. Johanis Loroson appears on a "Rate List of Newtown 1683" for 1 head, 20 acres land, 2 horses, 4 cows, 3 sheep. . . : . (Doc. Hist. N. Y. 11, 299.)

1684, Feb. "Johanes Loros his Marke is two half pennyes on the of Eare: One on the upper Side, and the other on the Under Side: and a slitt in the neare Eare on the Under side of the Eare, a littel Slanting."... .................................. (Newt. Ct. R., 248:)

1684, May 7. Johanes Loroson enters two actions of debt against the Estate of Mathias Barry, one on a bill to the value of 37 guilders and 8 stivers, and 5 gallons of molasses, and the other on accounts to the value of 20 shillings and other damage to the value of 15 guilders::; Judgment in one of these suits was given for the plaintiff with costs. (Newt. Ct. R., 160.

Sep. 3, in the other suit " The Court doth order that the sd ball ball hors shall be delivered into the hands of Johanes Loroson to be kept by him 15 days, but if he be not redeemed in that time then to be sold at an out cry to defray charge to pathe debt as far forth as it will Reach ................................ (Newt. Ct. R., 164.)

Sep. 20. "This may certify whom it may concern that I Johannis Loroson of Maspeth Kills in the limits of Newtown do own to have sold unto Moses Pettit of the same town a certain horse called Bill with one white foot, behind, it is the off foot: and a ball face with a half penny under he near ear: and do warrant this my sale good: and to defend the same: * * * This certain horse was bought at an out cry by the sd Johanas: held the 17th of September 1684." Signed (autograph "Johannes Lourense, Moses Pettit"......(Newt. R. I.274.)

1684, Sep. 3. "Johanes Loroson testifyeth upon oath that he heard Edward Stevenson say he was to give John Bull ten shillings for to trim his orchard, but he had better have given him some pounds to Lett it alone, for he had Cut halfe the trees off, and further saith not."; (Newt. Ct. R., 164.)

1684, Jun. 17. Johanes Loroson and Peter Buckhood take quit-claim from Jno. Pallmer and wife of land bought from Rich. Britnell by her father, Robt. Clark........................... (Newt. R., I, 271.)

This land was sold Dec. 20, 1652, by Brutnell to Robert Clark Some dissatisfaction arising, Gov. Nicolls on Nov. 6, 1667, cted Louris Petersen &. others to appear and show by what title they hold the land you are seated upon at Mespat Kills * * * hereofore belonging to Mr. Robert Clark." Thomas Wandell and Daniel Whitehead certify Oct. 8, 1667, "that Louris Petersen hath bought and paid for a tract of land to James Clark, surgeon, of late deceased of Mespat gill," and which the widow acknowledged; said land fronting on Mespat Kill, and on the rear joining to land of Thomas

Wandell, who had also bought some of the Brutnell patent. Johannes, buying from Petersen, obtains the above release from Clark's daughter.

1685, Feb. 4. In a suit between Johanas Loroson and Thomas Wandall, Rev. Morgan Jones testified "that about the 2 day Jenewary Last past this dep: being att the hoes of Mr. Wandall, Johanis Loroson came thare and tould Mr. Wandall he came to speeke with him about the Land that he was goeing to fens In: and Johanis tod. Mr. Wandall that he would Cut downe his fense: and Mr. Wandall sd if you doe I will cut you. Whareupon this deponent did advise them to put ther busines to some sucfitiant nabor and named Captayn Beets, and further sayth not."

"Mr. Wandall doth declare before the Ct. that he will deliver and allow Johanis Loroson and Peter Buckhood all the land that doth belong to them, both in length and breadth in every part, according to the tenor of the transport that stands on the backside of that was britnalls Ground briefe, as witness my hand Thomas Wandell .....(Newt. Ct. R., 168.)

1685, Feb. 4. Johanis Loroson testifies in suit between Wandall and Buckhood.................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... (Newt. Ct. R., 167.)

1685, May 9. Johanis Lourense signs a survey agreement relating to lands at Mespat Kills. "Being employed by Thomas Wandell, Johan - Lorason, Peter Johnson Buckhood, to lay and run out the lines of the purchase of Robert Clarke out of the patent of Richard Britnells containing as by bill of sale twenty five (morgens) and two hundred and twenty five rods: as a transport bearing date the 20th day of December 1682, and likewise six acres of moore sold to Peter Johnson Buckhood as by bill of sale bearing date the 1th day of August 1681 is in all twenty five morgan and two twenty five Rods and six acres: but, finding that the land is not contained within the line specified nor could be brought to any Clouser, it was mutually agreed the line shall begin at the Creek upon the N. W. corner of Mr. Wandell's ram pasture and to run upon a straight line N. E. by E. one degree and 45 minutes E. 237 duch rods to the outside bounds of the bove sd. Richard Britnell's patent, and then by the said lines N. W. by W. 8 degrees and a half W. their being so much variation of the compass as to make a true N. W. by W. point 122 rods to the meadow side, and so by the meadow and water round the point to the N. W. corner of the aforesd ram pasture. And it is agreed that the sd Peter Johnson Buckhood is to keep the 6 acres as bought within the fence: is so to continue as now standing as far as to Johanis Loroson Land on ye east side of ye purchase, and in consideration that he keep the land there Johanis Loroson is to have five acres added unto his 20 acres (out of that) purchased by Mrr. Wandall to be laid joining to the 20 acres. All the meadow joining to the purchase of Robert Clark is to be allowed to ye said purchase by Mr. Wandall. To this survey be seen at large by the draft here annexed." (Draft missing). " Mashpat Kills .................... (Newt. R., I, 366.)

1686, Sep. 24. Johanis Loroson appears among "the Purchasers and freeholders of Newtown * * * drawn up to be inserted in our pattin * * * by order of Justices of Peace.......... (Newt. R., I.)

1686, Sept. 25. Johannes Lourense takes conveyance from 'Thos. Wandall and Jno. Woolstencraft of a one third interest in a tract of about 88 acres of upland in the rear of Jno. Woolstencraft's land. The bill of sale was by common consent declared void. Signed "Thomas Wandell * * * (Autograph.) Johannes Louwrense"... (Newt. R., I, 336.)

1686, Nov. 25. Johannis Lawresse appears as a grantee in the Dongan Patent to Newtown............. (Thompson's Hist. L. I., If, 142.)

1687, Apr. 6. Johannes Lourensen draws one of the "Little Lots" on the S. bounds of the town, which were allotted to a number of the inhabitants on this date....... . ...... (Newt. R.)

1687, Apr. 6. Johannes Lourensen, "inhabitant of Maspeth Kills in the bounds of Newtown," signs a retraction of rash words he had too freely indulged in, namely: "that Newtown records was false ". . ..(Newt. Ct. R.)

1687, May 14. Johannes Lowrense witnesses a deed... (Newt. R., I, 543).

1687, Dec. Johanis Loroson is defendant in an action brought by Edward Coleborn, for taking away the plaintiff's canoe to go to Manning's`(Blackwell's) Island. The defendant showing that he had leave, ob- tained judgment............................ (Newt. Ct. R., 271.)

1688, Nov. 29. Johannes Lourensen's son is mentioned in the will of Thos. Wandell as the latter's godson............... (James Riker.)

1690, Jun. 21. Johannes Lourense is mentioned in a deed from Thos. Parcell and wife to Bourgon Bragaw as having formerly owned 10; acres between Burger's Sluice and the Narrow Passage at Mespat Kills .......................................... (James Riker. )

1693, Dec. 14. Johannes Louwrenson of Maspet Kills in ye bounds of= Newtown conveys to Jas, Abit " a draft lot as it fell to him, the sd Johannes Louwrenson, by lot, and to be laid out Southwardly of the sd town." This seems to have been the lot drawn by Job annes Apr. 6, 1687 ..................................... (Newt. R., I, 502.) ,

1694, Jan. 19. Johannes Louwrenson witnesses a deed of Geo. Wood..(Newt. R., I, 497.)

1695, Aug. 28. Johanes Louwrenson of Mespatts Kills, yeoman, buys from Mathias Boockhols the S. half of lot, 38 feet Dutch measure, bounded. E. on Gold St; S. by Johannes Gutman; W. by Shoemakers Pasture; length as it falls from Shoemakers Pasture to Gold St. (front and rear 38 ft. D.m.)..................... (N. Y. Rec. XXVIII, 258.)

1695, Sep. 20. Johanas Lorison witnesses deed by Peter Chalke. . (New R., I, 28.)

1695, Sep. 23. Johanas Lorison witnesses deed made by Jacobus Petersen; and

1695, Sep. 23. Johanas Loroson witnesses a deed by Jansen Fine.. (Newt.. R., I, 27.)

1697, May 5. Johannes Lourense of Maspatts Kills, Island of Nassa and Tryntie his wife convey to Simon Van Ness the S. half of a,1 lot, bought Aug. 28, 1695; namely the half being W. of Gold St. and E. of Shoemakers Pasture, the said half having 19 ft. front on Gold St., and a depth of 103 ft. Dutch measure to Shoemakers Pasture: (Signed) Johannes Lourense, Tryntie (X) Lourense.. .. (N. Y. Rec. XXVIII, 259.)

1702. Johannes Lourensen is not included in the census made this year o Newtown freeholders............................. (James Riker.)

1697, Apr. 22. Johannes Louwrensen op Dyck of Newtown, Long Island Province of N. Y., yeoman, buys of Thomas Green, for 101 1/2 Pound 250 acres above " the ffalls of the Delaware in ye Province of We New Jersey," (at which falls is now built Trenton).

Of this tract, 150 acres were purchased by Thomas Green Dec. 20, 1690, from the att'y of Daniel Cox of London: "Beginning at black oak for a corner next the land of Richd. Ridgway, and runs, thence W. 19 chains to a black oak for a second corner; thence S. E. 82 chains to a stake for a third corner; thence E. 19 chains to a stake for a fourth corner; thence N. W. to the first mentioned corner." (For a better description see below, 1722, Nov. 1. )

The other 100 acres were part of 600 purchased by Thomas Green Feb. 10, 1695, from Thomas Revel, Trustee for West Jersey Society, , and adjoined the aforesaid 150 acres: " Beginning at the corner tree of Widow Davis' land and runs thence E. 21 chains to a corner tree in W. E. rear line of Thos. Green's land above mentioned, being a small black oak; and from thence runs N. 48 chains to a great black oak mark for a corner; thence W. 21 chains to another black oak mark for a corner; thence S. 24 chains to a small runn; thence W. 4 chains to ye easternmost corner of Jonathan Davis, his 100 acres of land; thence S. and by E. along by the lands of s'd Jonathan Davis 24 chains to the first mentioned corner tree of Mary Davis' lands". .(West Jersey Deeds, B, 585. Trenton.)

1697, Apr. 22. Johannis Louwrensen op Dyck witnesses deed for 105 acres from Th. Revell to Thos. Greene............ (Same, p. 584.)

1697, July 12.Johannis Louwrensen op Dick of Maidenhead in Burlington Co., yeoman, buys of Thomas Revel 1050 acres "surveyed or to be surveyed out of ye 30,000 acre tract above ye faalls of ye Delaware River;" for 105 pounds " by said Johannes Louwrensen paid or secured to be paid ................................. (Same, p. 594.) (This is referred to, in Woodward and Hageman's Hist. of Mercer County, as the largest single purchase in Hopewell. )

1697, July 13. "A Mortgage of ye land above from Johannis Louwrensen op Dick bearing date ye Thirteenth day of July Anno 1697 to Tho. Revell in Trust for ye Society for ye Security of payment of 5 pounds, 5 sh., yearly on ye 1st. May for 3 years next, and ye Summe of one hundred and ten pounds and five shillings on ye first May 1700. Upon payment whereof ye mortgage to be voyd. To which s'd Johannis Louwrensen op Dick hath sett his band and seal." (No signature.) "Which mortgage is discharged witness my hand, Tho: Revell."............................... (Same, p. 594.)

1697, July 31. "Surveyed for Capt. Wm. Hallett 1,000 acres of land with 50 acres fowayds within ye Society's 30,000 Lands (Hopewell): Beginning at ye North West corner of Johannes Louwrensens Land " thence North, * * * thence East "to a hickory corner in Johannes' Land, thence North along Johannes' Line " 102 chains "to the first mentioned corner in Johannes' Land ". . . (West Jersey Surveys, A, 4. Trenton.)

1697, Oct. 20. Johannes Louwrensen op Dyck witnesses deed from Tho. Revell to Jno. Dixson.............. (West Jersey B, 600. Trenton.)

1697, Nov. 3. Johannis Louwrensen op Dyck witnesses deed from Thos. Greene to Jno. Dixson........................... (Same, p. 602.)

1697, Nov. 3. Johannis Louwrensen op Dyck of Maidenhead, yeoman, buys of Jno. Dixson 200 acres at Maidenhead, purchased by said Dixson from Tho. Revell March 1, 1696 and Oct. 26, 1697; for 40 pounds, paid in full ............................. (Same, p. 600.)

1697, March 3. Survey of the above. "One parcel of land within ye Society's 15,000 acres. Begins at the corner of Thos. Greene's old land to ye westward, and goes thence E. 14 chains to a hickory tree for a corner; thence N. by W. 36 chains to a corner of Jas. Price land; thence on the same course more 17 chains to a white oak corner; thence W. to Jos. Sackett's line 42 chains to a white oak corner; thence S. by E. down Jos. Sackett's line to ye corner of land laid out for Townes use; thence E. 28 1/2 chains on the rear of public land to another corner of said public land; thence 5 chains S. to ye first station surveyed. In ye whole 200 acres with 10 acres allowed for highways. ".....(West Jersey Surveys, A, 2. Trenton).

(As this was bounded by "Jos. Sackett's line" and "Thos. Greene's old land," we infer that it adjoined the 250 acres bought by Johannes in April; this locates 450 acres of Johannes' as North and East of the Town's 100 acre tract.)

1697. "Johannes Louwrensen op Dyck Ear Marks for ye Right Ear 2 half pennies on both sides, thus * * * & ye Left a Slitt on ye under side ye Ear thus * * * "(Burlington Records, 1680. Trenton.)

1698. Johannes Louwrensen witnesses a deed from Mary Davis, widow of Maidenhead, to her son Samuel Davis, for 100 acres next to the land of her son Jonathan Davis........ (West Jersey, B, 656, Trenton.)

1698, Jan. 20. Johannes Louwrensen witnesses deed for 200 acres in Maidenhead from Jonathan Davis of Maidenhead to his brother Samuel Davis........................(Same, p.656.)

1698, March 18. Jer. Bass and Thomas Revell, Agents for the West Jersey Society, for 5 shillings, deed to Ralph Hunt, John Bainbridge, Johannes Louwrensen, and other residents (including Lawrence Updi Joshua Andrus, Enoch Andrus and Cornelius Andrus) 100 acres in Maidenhead, in trust for the inhabitants of Maidenhead, "for ye Erecting of a Meeting House and for Burying ground and School House," * * * surveyed "above ye ffalls of Delaware out of Society's 15,000 acres ............................. (Same, p. 655.)

(Hist. Mercer Co. says that the Town attempted unsuccessfully to sell the town lot in 1730 and to apply the proceeds to buy a parsonage for the Presb. Soc'y; and that 1t was sold in 1804 for 1,150 Pounds by the church trustees.)

1698, Nov. 3. Johannes Louwrensen a member of the Grand Jury for the County of Burlington. (Burl. Court Book, Supr. C't, Trenton, 158.)

1699, May 4. Johannes Lawrence's land mentioned 1n the laying out of a road through. Maidenhead, described as "beginning at the partition line, so running as markt trees shall direct to the eight mile run to a white oak in the land of Johannes Lawrence, so running as markt trees shall direct to a white oak tree before Ralph Hunt's door by the run, so running as markt trees shall direct to Bridge over six run.................... .................... Same, p. 170.)

1699, Nov. 3. Johannes Louwrensen on the Grand Jury... Same, p. 168.)

1699, Nov. 14. Johannes Louwrensen witnesses deed from John Brearly of Maidentown to John Hutchinson, for 650 acres above the Falls of the Delaware..........(West Jersey, B, 656, Trenton.)

1699, Nov. 15. Johannes Louwrensen witnesses deed from John Hutchinson to John Watson and Richd. Eagre, for the last mentioned, 6 acres........................................... (Same, p. 657.)

1700, Oct. 16. Johannes Louwrensen witnesses deed from Ralph Hunt and John Bainbridge to Vincent Fountaine for 400 acres. (Same, p. 715.)

1700, May 14. "Johannes Louwrensen, yeoman of Maidenhead, County of Burlington, Province of West Jersey," deeds to "Richboll Mott of Hempstead, Queen's Co., upon Island of Nassau in ve Province of , N. Y., for 200 pounds of current silver money within ye Province of New Jersey," * * * 1,050 acres of the tract called "ye Society's 30,000 acres above ye ffalls of Delaware," * * * purchased by Johannes Louwrensen op Dyck of Thos. Revell July 12, 1697.

(Signed) Johannes Louwrensen * * * Catrina (X) op Dyck. (Same, p. 691.)

(Dr. George Hale's Hist. 1st. Presb. Ch. of Hopewell (p. 46) says that Johannes Louwrensen's purchase of 12 July 1697, 1,100 acres, in fact 1,300, was sold to Richbell Mott, and included the site of the present village of Pennington, extending 1 3/8 miles N. and S., and 2 miles E. and W. The settlement probably began about 1703; it was called Queenstown as late as 1747.)

1701, Feb. 16. Ralph Hunt of Maidenhead to William Alburtus; 500 acres on Stoney Brook within Maidenhead." Beginning on N. side of Stony Brook at corner of land late of Johanes Laurenson, thence on N. side of sd brook, N. by W., 37 chains, * * * E. by N., 65 chains, * * * S. by E., 31 chains to sd Stony Brook, * * * on sd Brook along same course 42 chains, * * * W. by S., 86 chains to line of land of said Johan Laurenson, * * * thence down same line to beginning;-for 135 pounds ...... (Same, p. 711.)

1702, Oct. 13. Johannes Louwrensee witnesses deed from Ralph Hunt and John Bainbridge to Richard Burt, for 286 acres adjoining the Partition Line between East and West Jersey, lying on North side of Stony Brook.................................... (Same, p. 715.)

1702, Nov. 3. Johanis Lorrauson, Grand Juryman. Court held at Burlington ............ (Burl. Court Book, p. 192, Supr. C't, Trenton.)

1703, Aug. 26. At a meeting at house of Ralph Hunt in Maidenhead Township. * * * John Bainbridge, Ralph Hunt, Theophilus Phillips, Samuel Hunt, Joshua Anderson, Benjamin Harden, Jonas Lawrence, Joseph Sackett, et al., (39 in all), having heard read the agreement of April 20, 1703, between Dr. Daniel Coxe Esq. and Thomas Revell on behalf of the purchasers of land within Maidenhead and Hopewell, signify their consent thereto. (West Jersey, AAA, 8. Trenton.)

1705, Nov. 7. Johannes Lawrence in suit with John Hampon Sr. (or Harrison), for 360 Pounds... (Supr. Ct. Min., 1704-15, p. 19. Trenton.)

1706, May 10. Same suit discontinued by consent of both parties.. (Same,, p. 28.)

1707, Sept. 29. Johanas Lowrense yeoman of Maidenhead, buys of Thomas Standeland 12 acres for 20 Pounds; "bounded by the North side of Assanpink Creek: beginning at a corner below Mahlin Stacy's Millbridge, thence to corner of Joshua Andrus, * * * Alburtus Ringoes, * * * Enoch Andrus, * * * Ralph Hunt, * * * South to Assanpink Creek, provided Johanas Lowrensen does not stop the course of the Creek to impedite Mahlin's mill."... (West Jersey, DD, 382, Trenton.)

1708, March 29. Johannes Louwrense writes following certificate: "Upon ye Request of Mr. Joseph Sackit wee whose names are under written went with ye sd Sackit to John Bainbridg to bare wittnes of his offer to sd bainbridg Concerning ye Line betwixt them which sd Sackit offerred ye sd Bainbridg that if he woould Let him have his Land Acording to his deed or a thurd part of that trackt of Land which was formerly Richard Rigawais and ye sd Bainbridg Replied and Said that bee woould alouw him two hundered Acors and tenn for alouence for highways and no moore if bee would be Contented and further ye sd Sackit did offer ye sd Bainbridg that if any of his Improvements should fall into his Line that he should hold them alowing him Land and medow agoining to him ye sd Sackit which ye sd John Bainbridg did Refuse and further saieth nott. Ralph Hunt, Johannes Louwrense."

(The original, written and signed by Johannes, is in the possession of James Riker of Waverly, N. Y.)

1709, July 18. Johannes Louwrensen and Catherine his wife, both of Maidenhead, sell Enoch Anderson of Hopewell, yeoman, the above described 12 acres for 20 pounds. On Assanpink creek. (Signed Johannes Louwrensen * * * Catherine (X) Louwrensen. (West Jersey, DD, 387, Trenton.)

1712, Jan. 1. "At a Town Meeting to endeavor for the promoting of a County in the upper part of the Province " * * * The subscriptions ranged from 2 pounds down. Among them are

Joshua Anderson 1 pound 5 shillings.

Enoch Anderson 1 " 10 "

Lawrence Opdycke 15 "

Johannes Louwrensen 15 "

(Maidenhead Town Book.)

1713, Aug. 8. Johannis Opdyck of Maidenhead, Burlington County, N. J. yeoman, gives quit claim deed to Thomas Skillman of Newtown Queens County, L. I., of land at Mespatt Kills in Newtown. (See fuller description under 1669 March 10 above, it being the same land then purchased by Johanes Lourense. )

1714, June 4. Alexander Lockhard of Hopewell to Jno. Hunt of Newtown L. I., 500 acres in Hopewell,- " beginning at Johannes Lowrenson's upper corner upon Stoney Brook, then the general Courses of brook to a corner of Saml. Davis's land; then W. along the same land 52 chains to the sd Davis's corner; then goeth along another line of the sd Davis's land 24 chains to a hickory tree corner; then W. 37 chains to a corner on the top of a mountain; then S.19 chains to a corner of Captn. Hallet's land; then along his line S. 19 chaff to a corner between him and Johannes Lowrenson land; then along the sd Lowrenson's line to the first mentioned corner." (West Jersey BBB, 154, Trenton.)

1718, Sept. 7. Enoch Andrews conveys to Alburtus Ringoes for 30 Pounds part of the 12 acres, sold Sept. 9, 1707 by Standiland to Johanes Lawanson, and sold July 18, 1709 by Johannes Laurenson a wife Katharine to Enoch Andrus -"Lying on Maidenhead Road" and "on North side of Assanpink"................. (Same, EF, 170.)

1721, Sept. 6. "Ordered that Johanes Lawrason stand committed to the Sheriff's custody till he give security for his good behavior and his appearances att the next Court.". . (Hunterdon Ct. I, 5. Flemington.)

1721, Dec. 6. Harper v. Lawrason. Title of suit only...... (Same, p. 10.)

1722, Nov. 1. Johannes Lowrezson Opdyck on this date sold 150 acres of his first purchase in Maidenhead, as is seen in the following record: 1765, May 1. Whereas the att'y for Dan. Coxe sold Oct. 7, 1690; to Rich. Ridgeway 600 acres in Maidenhead, and Ridgeway sold July 6, 1696, one third of same to Jos. Sackett, whose son Joseph et al. sold the same May 11, 1725, to Enoch Andrus, whose executors sold the same Dec. 4, 1741, to John Anderson;

And whereas the att'y for Dan. Coxe sold Dec. 20, 1690, 150 acres above the Falls of the Delaware to Thos. Green of Maidenhead and said Thos. Green sold April 22, 1697, the said 150 acres to Johnnes Lourezsen Opdyck; and the said Johannes Lowrezson dyck sold the same, Nov. 1, 1722, to Enoch Andrus, who sold the same to his son John Anderson on March 1, 1724;

On May 1, 1765, John Anderson of Maidenhead and wife Deborah sell to Wilson Hunt of Hopewell both of the above tracts, containing 413 acres, for 3,510 pounds.

Description: Beginning at a red oak tree, thence S. W. 15 1/2 chains thence S. E. 80 chains, thence N. E. 16 chains to a bunch of Maples on E. side of Eight Mile Run, thence up the Run N. W. 11 chains, thence away from Eight Mile Run N. W. 16 chains, thence N. E. 8 1/2. chains, thence S. E. 30 chains to the road over the Great Meadows, thence along said road N. E. 29 chains, thence N. W. 101 1/2 chains, thence S. W. 30 chains to place of beginning.... (West Jersey, AB, 110. Trenton.)

1724, Dec. 28. Joha. Lowrason in suit with Alex. Harper for 11 pounds 6 shillings ..................... (Hunterdon Ct., I, 60. Flemington.)

1729, Feb. 12. Johannes Opdyck's will:

"In the name of god amen. the twelfth day of february in the year of our Lord 1728-9 I Johan. opdike of Hopewell in ye County of Hunterdone in ye provence of west new Jarsey Husbandman, being very sick and weak in body, but of perfect mind and memory, thanks be given unto god theirefore, Calling unto mind the mortality of my body, and knowing that it is appointed for all men once to die, do make and ordain this my Last will and testament: that is to say principly and first of all I give and Recomend my Soul unto the hands of god that gave it, and for my body, I Recomend it to the Earth, to be buried in a Christian Like and desent manner, at the Discretion of my Executors, nothing doubting but at the geniral Reserrection, I shall Receive the same againe by the mighty power of god and as touching Such worldly Estate, wherewith it hath pleased god to bless me in this Life, I give devise and dispose of the same in the following maner and form: Imprimus I give and bequeathe to my well beloved son Louerence opdike twelve shillings; Item that william Critchfield shall have his bils and bonds delivered up without any mollistation. Item I give to my grantson Cornelius Anderson all my weareing Cloths and one Irn Cittle one plater and four plates Item I Likewise Constitute and make my well be Loved Sone and grantson Louerence opdike and Eliakim anderson my Executors of my Last will and testament and after paying all my depts that the above written Leagusies may bee fulfilled I also bequeate that after all depts be paid that the Remainder Shall be Equilly divided amongst my Eight Children that now are Living and I do hereby utterly disalow and Revoke and disanull all and every other former testaments wills Legusies and Executors by me in any wayes before this time named willed and bequeathed Ratifing & Confirming this and no other to be my Last will and testament in witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand & Seale the day and year above writen. Signed Sealed published pronounced and declared by ye Said Johanes opdike as his Last will and testament in the preasents of us the Subscribers, vis

John. Anderson Johannes Opdyck." (L. S.)

ffrancis Vannoey"

1729, Mar. 26. Will probated by Gov. Montgomery of N. J. . . (State Vaults, Trenton.) 1730, May. 'Ectrs. of Johannes Lawrence" bring suit against Enoch Anderson to recover a debt of 263 pounds and 15 shillings.. (Hunterdon Ct. II, 136. Flemington.)

At the Aug. Term, 1731, the suit, (then called " Law: Obdyke and Eliakim Anderson Exectrs. &c. vs. Enoch Anderson"), seems to have been brought to trial. The jury were out over night and returned a verdict for the plaintiffs for 12 pounds, 1 shilling, "old money Debt," and six pence costs ; as to the rest, for the defendant. (Same, Suit 476.)

At the Feb. Term, 1732, this suit was entitled " Law : Obdike et al., Exctrs. Lawrence" vs. Enoch Andrus .......... (Same, Suit 834.)

1730, Aug. "Exec. Johan Lawrence" brought action against Jonathan Pettit for 4 pounds 11 shillings...................... (Same, 162.)

1730, Nov. 3." Lawrence Opdike & Eliakim Andrews Exrs. of Johannus '' Lawrenson agt. Enoch Andrews;" from Hunterdon County.. (Supr. Ct. Min., 1716-1731, Trenton.)

1733, May 17. "Lawrence Opdyick and Eliakim Anderson Exctrs. of Johanas Lawrence Dec'd." in suit with Joseph Reed in Court of Common Pleas held at Trenton. Writs of subpoena issued for following witnesses: Enoch Andrus, John Anderson, Elizabeth Hoff, Francis Vannay, John Brains, Cornelius Anderson. . (Hunterdon Ct. II, Flemington.)

Johannes Lourense OP DYCK and Tryntie had the following children:

i. Tryntie OP DYCK was born about 1677 in Newtown, New York. She died between 1722 and 1741.

ii. Engeltie OP DYCK died after 1741. She was born in Newtown, New York.

iii. Annetie OP DYCK was born in 1675 in Newtown, New York. She died after 1746.

iv. Lawrence OP DYCK was born in 1685 in Newtown, New York. He died in 1748.

16 v. Albert OP DYCK.

vi. Inf OP DYCK died about 1730 in Newtown, New York.

vii. Bartholomew OP DYCK died about 1746.

viii. UPDYCK was born in Maidenhead, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey. He died in Maidenhead, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey.

AFN:FXGX-FW He was married to Mary THORN.

41. Mary THORN.

Hendrick DUSENBERY and Mary THORN had the following children:

i. Henry DUSENBERY was born in 1681 in Hempstead, Queens Co., New York. He died on April 10, 1747.

20 ii. Samuel DUSENBERY.

iii. Hannah DUSENBERY was born in 1698/99 in Hempstead, Queens Co., New York. She died between 1769 and 1772.

iv. Mary DUSENBERY was born in 1712 in Hempstead, Queens Co., New York. She was christened on May 15, 1712 in Jamaica, Queens Co., New York. She died before 1742. AFN:JCC1-FS

v. William DUSENBERY was born in 1717 in Hempstead, Queens Co., New York. He was christened on September 29, 1717 in Jamaica, Queens Co., New York. He died in 1774 in Westchester Co., New York. AFN:JCC1-GO

vi. Sarah DUSENBERY was born in 1719 in Hempstead, Queens Co., New York. She died before 1742. AFN:JCC!-5F

vii. Phoebe DUSENBERY was born in 1721 in Hempstead, Queens Co., New York. AFN:JCC1-6L

viii. Benjamin DUSENBERY was born in 1723 in Hempstead, Queens Co., New York. He died in 1791 in Hempstead, Queens Co., New York. AFN:JCC1-7R

SEVENTHN GENERATION

LOURIS JANSEN OPDYCK.

Born 1600-20 in Holland; married Stincha "Christina"-------; came to New Netherland before 1653, in which year he owned a residence at Albany and bought a lot at Gravesend, L. I.; resided in Gravesend 1655 and in New York 1656-7; died 1659 at Gravesend.

He may have been the Louwre Jansen that baptized a daughter at Elburg on Dec. 10, 1635; and may have been a son of the Johan Louwrensen who was a witness in Elburg court on Sept. 18, 1602, or a son of Jan Lauren Dyck who baptized a daughter at Elburg on Oct. 2, 1636. We know positively that he was a Hollander, from his Gravesend petition complaining that the English inhabitants were determined " that no Dutchman should get into the Magistracy there," and by his widow's laying down " Holland's law." From what part of Holland he came, has not been discovered from the records in this country, because the Albany county records before 1654 are missing, as are those of the churches at Albany and on Long Island before 1660 when he was dead. He always wrote his name with only the \patronymic, according to the Dutch usage at that time, Louris Jansen meaning Louris the son of Jan.To one not familiar with it, this custom seems strange, but it was persistently followed for a century by most Hollanders whose family names are now, and were then, perfectly well known. It is this prevailing custom during the seventeenth century in Holland, of substituting the father's name for the family name, that has made it difficult for Dutch families to trace back their ancestors beyond that period.

Holland blood is a fit subject for pride. To Netherland belonged the brave Nervii who so nearly defeated Julius Caesar and his legions,- their, memory kept forever green by Shakespeare. Hollanders were the Batavians described by Tacitus, the boldest tribe of all the Germans, men of huge bodies and- muscular limbs. "Others go to battle, these go to war." Rome made them her friends and allies. The Batavian. cavalry turned the tide of battle at Pharsalia; the Batavian legion was the imperial lifeguard, made and unmade emperors, and down to the fourth century saved the Roman legions from defeat in many battles. In the middle ages they were the free Frisians." Charlemagne left them their ownership of their lands; they never had feudal tenure. "The Frisians," said their statute book "shall be free as long as the wind blows out of the clouds and the world stands."

The Count Dirk of Holland and his line, and the Bishops of Utrecht, governed them 400 turbulent years. Commerce plucked up half-drowned Holland and poured gold into her lap; fishermen and needy raftsmen became ocean adventurers and merchant princes. Clusters of hovels became cities. The burghers handled the cross-bow and grew formidable. In 1217 began their city charters and governments under their own Schout and Shepens. In the next century, six chief cities sent their deputies regularly to the Estates.

Then the House of Burgundy absorbed them; but Charles the Bold died and the Netherlands wrested from his successor the Magna Charta of Holland. Nowhere else upon earth at that day was there half so much liberty as this gave. Austrian Arch-Duke and Spanish Emperor curtailed these privileges again and again, but the struggle was always renewed by the brave Dutch Burghers.

In 1500, when the Netherlands included Belgium as well as Holland, Antwerp became the commercial capital of the world, the most beautiful, next to the largest, city in Europe. Its harbor often contained 2,500 ves sels; 500 daily came and went. Schools were excellent and cheap. Children wrote and spoke at least two languages. The cattle of Holland, grazing on the bottom of the sea, were the finest in Europe, its farm products the most valuable, its navigators the boldest, its mercantile marine the most powerful. Where of old were swamps and thickets, now dwelt three millions of people, the most industrious, the most prosperous, perhaps the most intelligent, under the sun; their love of liberty indomitable; their pugnacity proverbial; peaceful and phlegmatic, they were yet the most irascible and belligerent men of Europe. The Netherlands contained 208 walled cities, 150 chartered towns, 6,300 villages; the whole guarded by 60 fortresses. Out of the five millions of gold which Charles V. derived annually from all his subjects, the Netherlands furnished two millions; the commerce and manufactures of the ancient morass contributed four times as much as all the boasted wealth of Mexico and Peru.

Then came the Reformation. Erasmus of Rotterdam "showed the road" and Luther sent out his 95 propositions which flew in a few weeks through Europe. Charles V. made peace with Protestants in Germany that he might root them out of his paternal inheritance, the Netherlands; fearing that the new faith would carry the seeds of civil freedom, he sent Spanish priests with troops to introduce the Inquisition. It was only among the burghers that Protestantism was to be found, but it was not in their Dutch blood to change. their religious convictions through fear; and the Dutch nobles would not consent to surrender their country's chartered rights and liberties, possessed from time immemorial,-freedom from taxation exeq by consent of the Estates, independent judicature, exclusion of foreign officials and troops. A Spanish army at once occupied, and thenceforth held, the Belgian half of the Netherlands; but the seven provinces of Holland declared themselves "The Dutch Republic," and waged 80 years war with the most powerful empire on earth.

Thus Holland fought, alone for Europe, the fight of Protestantism against Catholicism, of freedom of conscience against the devilish Inquisition, of universal manhood against tyranny. The whole world expected her defeat. The veteran Spanish generals, Alva and Parma, with trained Spanish and Italian troops, enforced the edicts of Charles and of his still more fanatical son Philip, burning the obstinate Netherlanders, beheading repentant males, burying alive repentant females, putting to death 100,000 in twenty years. But all the armies Spain could send failed to conquer Holland. The little republic declared Calvinism the religion of the State, chose William of Orange for their Stadtholder, and when "William the Silent " was assassinated through Spanish gold and priestly fanaticism, filled his place with his son Maurice. When hard pressed, they raised the sieges of their cities by cutting their dykes and letting in the sea. The Dutch admirals swept the ocean, crushing Spanish navies and capturing the rich fleets from the Indies.

The Dutch had no natural advantages. All the corn raised in Holland was not sufficient to feed the men employed in keeping her dykes in repair. But year by year she grew stronger, while Spain grew weaker. The Dutch granted entire religious freedom to strangers of every race and creed. There came to Holland religious refugees from all countries of Europe, the most industrious and enlightened of their nations. The indefatigable people became the richest in the world, in manufacture, trade, commerce, agriculture and fisheries, all the while waging fierce war. Its territory, only a little larger than Wales, was a busy and populous hive, whose rich cultivation, canals, barges, shipping, mills, mansions, towns, picture galleries, astonished English travelers. Her manufactures were unrivalled, her universities and scholars unsurpassed. Enterprise and courage made her people the carriers of Europe; honesty made them the bankers of the world. After 40 years of war had made of Holland a great nation, Spain was so crippled as to be forced to sign in 1609 a twelve year truce, admitting the Dutch to trade with the East Indies; at the end of the truce, hostilities were renewed, but were ended in 1648 by the full acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the " United States of Holland." The Republic dictated decrees to the Empire of Spain. It had its dependencies in Asia, America, Africa, Australia; in Brazil, Guiana, the West Indies, New York, at the Cape of Good Hope, in Hindoostan, Ceylon, Java, Sumatra, New Holland; for a century it continued to sway the balance of European politics. It is to its constitution that we owe the model of our United States of America.

Louris sailed from Holland at about the date when peace had been made with Spain. His country's soldiers had become a terror to their enemies, a Dutch private being fit to be captain of a Spanish company, and a Spanish captain inferior to a Dutch common soldier. Maurice of Orange, Stadtholder, had taught Europe how to handle cannon, and generals of all nations attended his sieges to learn the art of war. The tide of war had ebbed from the shores of the hard-fighting Dutch and overflowed Germany in its terrible Thirty Years War, although the heroic Gustavus Adolphus and wise Richelieu had turned the current there in favor of the Protestants. Holland too bad lent an occasional hand to the ravaged Rhine provinces, surprised the Spanish garrison of Wesel at night and restored the town to its citizens. Probably then, if not before, the Wesel op den Dycks had quit the broken fortunes and ruined trade of their ancestral city, for prosperous Holland, where perhaps they had sought their Dutch kindred and had known their relationship. Gysbert may have preceded Louris to New Netherland and have written back to him glowing accounts, as others wrote, of the climate and country, of the abundance of deer, the many kinds of wild fowls, fish and fruit, and the soil well fitted to grow all kinds of grain and vegetables.

At all events Louris joined with friends and neighbors in the movement Westward Ho! Theirs was no such emigration as peopled the Spanish Main, Virginia or Massachusetts;-it was no armed chase for Indian gold and slaves, no fleeing from debts, no mournful exchange of religious persecution and prison for a rock-bound wilderness. They went to join friends under the Dutch flag, to seek sure fortunes in trade in the pleasant new country discovered and governed by wealthy Dutch merchants, to send back rich furs and fine tobacco, to do their share in sustaining the greatness of Holland. The most experienced men of their province gave full advice what to take with them; the magistrates congratulated them on their prospects and bade them treat the Indians kindly but to let no Spaniard whom they met escape; to be tolerant of all things but intolerance; the Domine prayed for them and preached to them like children, in the outspoken Dutch fashion, promising to send them ministers and schoolmasters. The town crier daily announced their approaching departure; crowds of friends accompanied them to the vessel and down the river; the wind-mills waved their long arms in gracious farewell as the broad prow of the bark courtesied to the swell of the ocean. In Louris' strong boxes in the hold of the ship, were doubtless the pictures mentioned as part of his effects in 1659. The voyage generally took eight weeks, sailing by the Canary Islands and Virginia to avoid the North Atlantic gales, stopping to refit at the West Indies Indies if necessary.

To the Dutch, water was their native element, and the time passed quickly with tales of their experience in fights by sea and land, perhaps closing with such remarks as: "I tell you, those Spaniards are rank coward as all bullies are." "They pray to a woman, the idolatrous rascals, and no wonder they fight like women." "Oh! for such luck as to sight on the horizon a Spanish West Indian; " it would be their own fault if they did not "sweep it out as empty as a stock-fish."

As they sailed up New York Bay, the Captain doubtless pointed out the flourishing "bouweries (farms) as well stocked with cattle as any in Europe," Governor's Island which Director van Twiller had bought for himself, the fort at the Battery, and the wooden houses of the town. They must have been enchanted by the novelty of the rolling land, the magnificent forests, the bright sky and clear air. It was indeed a " brave country." They already lost desire ever to go back. As Louris and Christina looked over the taffrail, did they imagine that their descendants within 250 years would be numbered by thousands, scattered over a thickly settled country from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, knowing not the language of their ancestors, citizens of a country more populous than was then, not Holland alone, but all Europe combined.

The new-comers must have been welcomed by the Governor with much dignity at the fort, where, though the walls were out of repair, the new stone church and the stone warehouses and offices of the company were impressive. The citizens crowded forward for the pleasure of entertaining the strangers at home, where they might leisurely over pipe and bowl hear the latest news from the fatherland, and tell in return how the colony was prosperous, excepting only for the Indian troubles due to the mistakes of Kieft. They were the same industrious, frugal, honest and modest people as at home, and more hopeful in the glorious possibilities of a new country. Louris was a well-educated man, possessed of some means, and his settlement would naturally be watched with interest. He decided to enter into the fur-trade at Beverwyck, the head of navigation of the North River, where the Dutch had built Fort Orange at their first discovery, and where is now Albany. As the most advanced post in the wilderness, it offered the best facilities for trading with the Indians, the Iroquois, "Five Nations," bravest of the North American Savages, masters of all other tribes, yet never attacking the Dutch. The Indian war of 1643-5 spared Beverwyck alone of all the Dutch settlements. Thither went Louris up the mighty Hudson, meeting no settlement between Yonkers and Albany, but finding scenery as beautiful as the Rhine and far grander, and without the robber castles hated by the Dutch. We, who view the Hudson from the swift steamboat or railway car, can have no idea how Louris's heart swelled within him as day after day his little vessel crept up the noble river. In its fresh and untamed wildness, before its virgin banks had been desecrated by modern improvements, the sensation must have been as stronger and finer, as were the native Indians, at whose wigwams Louris sometimes smoked the pipe of peace, in comparison to their present degenerate descendants.

A Dutch fort had been established at Albany in 1614, and here had been made the first formal treaty between the red man and the Hollander, often renewed and never violated, although the fort was a poor affair of logs " with five cannon and as many swivels." Van Rensselaer, an Amsterdam pearl-merchant, had obtained patents for a large part of the present counties of Albany, Rensselaer, and Columbia, and brought out some set tlers to colonize it. The little hamlet of Beverwyck had begun to cluster around the walls of Fort Orange. The fertile soil yielded abundant crops, deer and wild turkeys filled the forests, pike and sturgeon abounded in the waters, and the happy settlers wrote home joyous letters which brought fresh colonists of substantial means from Holland in 1636. The Classis of Amsterdam had sent out Domine Megapolensis in 1642 with plans for a church and parsonage, and the next year the church was built, 34 feet long and 19 wide, within range of the guns of the fort. The pulpit was sent out from Holland and is still preserved. The Domine studied the Mohawk language and conversed with the Indians who attended his services, stand ing with long tobacco pipes in their mouths. The colony, through their friendship with the savages, were able to save the lives of several French missionaries about to be put to torture and death. In 1643 Beverwyck contained about 100 persons, living in 25 or 30 wooden houses along the river, buying of the Indians beaver skins and selling them fire-arms and powder,-forbidden to go into the bush to trade, but continually doing so. In 1650 a school-house was built and the first schoolmaster appointed; in 1652 a Court of Justice was established. The importance of the fur trade of the colony may be seen from the fact that in 1656 it sent 35,000 beaver and otter skins to Holland. In 1653 "Lourens Janse" (Opdyck) received from Governor Stuyvesant a ground brief for a lot 92 1/2 feet square on the northwest corner of the intersection of what are now State Street and Broadway,-opposite the new church erected in the middle of the square three years later, rebuilt in 1715 on the same ground, and standing until 1806. Louris' valuable corner now faces the Post Office and is in the very heart and business centre of Albany. He had a house upon this lot, but in 1655 he made over his groundbrief to himself and Cornelius Steenwyck for the use of a third party. This Cornelius Steenwyck afterward became Burgomaster of New Amsterdam, Councillor of War over the Dutch ships at their recapture of New Netherland from the English in 1673, and one of the Common Council of New York after the second surrender to the English.

Our Louris is also found in 1653 buying lot No. 34 at Gravesend, Long Island, where two years later we find numerous proofs of his presence and activity. The patent for Gravesend had been granted in 1645 to a colony of English, under the leadership of Lady Deborah Moody, a woman of wealth and education who left England to avoid despotism, emigrated to Massachusetts, and was excommunicated at Salem for her views on baptism. The soil, though somewhat light and sandy, is yet very productive, the climate remarkably healthful and agreeable in summer and winter from its ocean breezes. It was hoped, from its situation at the mouth of the Nar rows, with the ocean on one side and the flourishing village of New Amster dam on the other, to make Gravesend an important centre of commerce, "a city by the sea," with Gravesend Bay for a harbor. On a favorable site Dear the centre of the grant a square was measured off containing about about sixteen acres of ground, and a street opened around it. This larg square was afterwards divided into blocks of four acres each, by opening two streets at right angles through the centre. The whole was then enclosed by a palisade-fence of balf-trees standing seven feet above ground, as a protection both against hostile Indians and the depredations of wolves and other wild animals which were then common upon Coney Island. Each of the four blocks was divided into ten equal sections, laid off around the outside and facing the outer street. This gave forty sections in all; and thus one section was allotted to each of the forty patentees. By this arrangement every family could reside within the village, and share its palisade defence. In the centre of each block was reserved a large public yard, where the cattle of the inhabitants were brought in from the commons, and herded for the night for their better protection. On one of the four blocks was the church, on another was the school-house, on snot another the town hall, and on the fourth the burying ground. The original plan of the town is preserved in its main features to this day, after almost 250 years. The 40 planters' farms radiated from the village in diverging lines. like the spokes of a wheel, enabling each owner to go from his house within the village defenses directly to his farm; and several of the farms have retained this outline to the present time. Scarcely had the first house of the new settlement been completed when the savages, exasperated by the unwise policy of Director Kieft, rushed from their destruction of the Mespath colony to attack the newly begun village of Gravesend. But the settlers, under the command of Nicholas Stillwell, silently awaited their night approach in the rude log house, and received them with such well directed volleys of musket-shots as to slay a large number and drive the rest to retreat in panic. Apart from Fort Amsterdam, Gravesend was the only colony that successfully defended itself.

The English of that day frequently called Fort Orange (Albany) "Fort Aurania;" and hence, never very particular about the spelling of names, wrote on the records " Lowrace Johnson of fforte of Arren " at his first purchase of land in Gravesend. Two years later, 1655, Louris joined with seven other Dutch residents in a letter to the Council, protesting against the confirmation of the magistrates nominated by the English of the town, saying that these English had allowed traitors, absentees, and men under confinement, to vote, but had refused to honest Dutchmen both votes and office; and also that these English were endeavoring to enforce the orders of their chief traitors, Baxter and Hubbard, who were then in Fort Amsterdam prison for hoisting the British flag and asserting the sovereignty of England. The Council from motives of policy confirmed the election; the West India Company however sent strict instructions "to avoid bestowing any office of trust upon foreigners who are not interested in the country, and who but seldom can deserve our confidence."

In the autumn of 1655, the second Indian war broke out. A large body of savages,-having swept Manhattan Island down to Fort Amsterdam, killed or captured most of the settlers at Hoboken and Pavonia, laid. waste the Jersey shore, killed 67 colonists on Staten Island and destroyed their bouweries, thereupon crossed the Narrows and made a fierce attack upon Gravesend; its inhabitants were unable to drive away the invading foe, but bravely stood their ground. Louris and five other Dutch residents wrote an urgent letter to Governor Stuyvesant for assistance; in reply, the Director and Council immediately sent a force of Dutch soldiers from Fort Amsterdam, with whose aid the town drove off the savages.

During the years 1656-7 Louris resided in New Amsterdam (New York). There is in 1656, upon the books of the Burgomaster and Schepens' Court, a record of "Lourans Jansen's wife" defending a suit there brought for supplies of meat, amounting to 28 Pounds Sterling of money, which she opposed " according to the account of the year 1653." The same year 1656 we find a minute of a suit brought by " Lourens Jansen of New Amsterdam" before the Director and Council, against George Baxter of Gravesend. Among the early Dutch Books of New York Deeds, at the City Hall, is recorded the purchase by " Lourens Jansen " in the same year, of a house and lot on the south side of the present Pearl Street between State and Whitehall Streets, and its sale by him the following year. The terrible massacres by the Indians in the previous year probably led him to withdraw his family temporarily from Gravesend. The location of his New York house was close to the fort, the favorite building locality from the time the fort was first laid out. Pearl Street originally formed the edge of the river a little east of Louris' house, and was selected as a residence by many wealthy burghers on account of its fine river prospect. Whitehall Street was also on the line of the fort and took its name from the large white residence of the Governor. Here were the Company's five storehouses built of stone, and the parsonage with its garden of variegated tulips and alleys of clipped box-wood and cedars; near by were the bakery, brewery, and the first market-house. Above these was Bowling Green, the village park, used for Maypoles, holiday dancing festivals, and as a parade ground of the soldiers from the fort.

We find also on the records of Flatbush a reference to " Louweres Janse" in 1659; and to " Lourens Jansen " in 1661 as then deceased but as having owned previously two stone-houses and lots in that village. These record afford additional evidence that he was a man of enterprise and means, and interested in many ventures.

Flatbush, settled by the Dutch in 1651, was now the most thriving Dutch colony on Long Island, and contained more people than Brooklyn. Itbounded Gravesend on the northeast, and the direct road from New Amsterdam to Gravesend ran through it. It was here that the fir Dutch Church on Long Island was organized. Louris no doubt attend service in the church edifice which was then begun, although not entire . completed until 1660, after his death. It was of wood and built in form: a cross, 28 by 60 feet, and 12 or 14 feet between beams, the rear used the minister's dwelling. A portion of old Flatbush is now included i Prospect Park of Brooklyn.

We conclude that Louris' wife and children resided in New Amsterdam (New York) the greater part of the time from 1653 to 1657, while he frequently left them to trade in furs at Albany or to see to the cultivation of his Gravesend farm and the improvement of his Flatbush property. No doubt they enjoyed an occasional trip with him up the North River in pleasant weather, and occupied at times the house at Albany. The elder sons must have assisted on the Gravesend farm in the summer season, and attended in winter at Fort Amsterdam the flourishing Latin school presided over by Dr. Curtius who had just been sent out from Holland at the request of many citizens. On holidays they would resort to the " Locust Trees " on a bluff of the North River, a little south of the present Trinity church-yard which was then the West India Company's garden. Or they would roam in the shady valleys, Maiden Lane and others, surrounding the village; or follow the neighboring roads leading quickly into forest wolds almost as solitary as the native wilderness. On such occasions they would not fail to invite some of the fair maidens for whom the town was celebrated, the daughters of the early settlers, now just coming into wom hood, with their fair Dutch complexion beautified by the American climate In those days a lady wore no hat. Her dress was a bright colored petticoat, short to give freedom in walking, a waist of different material, colored stockings of homespun wool, high-heeled and thick-soled shoes suitable to streets without sidewalks or pavements, and all the jewelry she could afford.

The men wore their hair very long. Their dress was a soft hat with broad brim and tapering crown adorned with a feather, a short sleeveless doublet girt at the waist with a stout leather belt or wide sash with hanging ends, very full short breeches tied just below the knee with bow-knots, long woolen or linen stockings, high boots with flaring or reversed tops, wide turned-over linen collar and cuffs; in cold weather, a cloak hanging loose from the shoulders; for full dress, silk stockings, broad ruffs or lace at the neck and wrists, sometimes at the knee.

The town lots were large enough for gardens and orchards. Each resident kept his cows, and the city herdsman collected them every morning, blowing a horn to give notice of his approach, and drove them through the town gate at Wall Street to the public pasture at the present City Hall Park. It must have been the ambition of the little Johannes to let down the rail for his father's cattle to join the herd. He it was who brought the water from the well in the street. He could amuse himself tumbling in the hay barrack which was permitted to stand in the highway in front of the house; or watching the dark and taciturn Indians in their dress of skins or feathers, in single file, coming occasionally to the fort. Sometimes no doubt he would steal away to the never-failing spring at what is now John Street, and linger along its brook as it bubbled down the rocks on the present line of Gold Street; or in winter he would play truant and dare to venture to the far-distant lake at what is now Canal Street, for a day of skating. At other times he would inspect the 250 fire-buckets with hooks and ladders, just imported from the fatherland for the '° rattle watch" of eight men; or he would watch the boats in the canal which is now Broad Street, and hear the neighbors talk of making the whole city so, " to be like Holland."

On the Sabbath the whole family, arrayed in their best, would proceed to church, Christina carrying her handsomely bound bible and psalm book, with silver edging and clasp, hung to her girdle by a silver chain. The sexton,. having rung the bell, formed a procession of himself and his assistants to carry the cushions of the burgomaster and schepens from the City Hall, to furnish the church pew appropriated to the city magistrates. The schout at the same hour went his rounds to observe that quiet was kept in the streets during service, and to stop the games of the negro and Indian slaves, who were allowed recreations on Sunday except during church time. As the church was within the walls of the fort, the adjoining open field, now Bowling Green, displayed a numerous concourse of country wagons arranged in order, while the horses were let loose to graze on the shady hillside which led west of Broadway down to the water at what is now Greenwich Street.

Christina would sometimes accompany Louris to Gravesend, mounted behind him on horseback upon a pillow or padded cushion. Their road took them along Pearl Street, which was then the river shore, halting a moment at the inn to chat with Gysbert, to the ferry at Peck Slip; the ferryman owned a farm hard by and came at sound of the horn that hung against a tree, to row them over the river in a little skiff, for three stivers in wampum, to what is now Fulton Street in Brooklyn,-although Brooklyn was then a mere hamlet containing only a few scattered farms. A ride of seven miles, winding through woods and miniature prairies, took them past Louris' lots and stone houses in Flatbush to Gravesend. Some of the giant trees now just beyond Prospect Park may have seen them passing. Or they would take the whole family in the lumber wagon, or in the sleigh running upon split saplings, drawn by pot-bellied nags which were bred wild in the woods on the upper part of the island, and which seldom quit a dog-trot. In the summer Johannes would beg to go along to bathe in the surf at Coney Island, and to gather a large basket of wild strawberries in the woods. Or, if the wind was fair, they would make the trip almost from door to door in their boat on the bay, for the boys must have been natu sailors like all the Dutch. To appreciate the beauty of this sail, it must still be made in a small yacht.

Their home, if like the average New York house of that day, was worth less than $500, including the lot. Its " great room" was both parlor and dining-room, and contained also the guest's bed, built in the house like a cupboard in a partition, to save space, with doors closing upon it when unoccupied; two ample feather-beds upon it, one to sleep on and the other for a covering, made up in comfort what they lacked in display. Here too was the cupboard on which were displayed the pewter and earthenware ware with a few pieces of silver; for ordinary use, wooden and pewter table-ware were good enough; the blue and white china was kept for company. The round dining-table had folding leaves, in order to economize space. The best chair was covered with leather and adorned with brass nails. Carpet there was none, but the well-scrubbed floor was carefully sanded. Some engravings in narrow black frames adorned the walls, and the window was contained with a strip of the cheapest cloth run upon a string. It was before the era of tall eight-day clocks, and the small clock was not so trustworthy , as the hour-glass. There were not half a dozen watches in the Dutch Colony, and those had brass or silver cases and were generally out of order. The great fireplace could easily contain the three boys in its corners. An extensive store of linen, the pride of Christina, was kept in the iron-bound chest. Linen was cheaper then than cotton. Books were rare; life in the new country was more exciting than fiction; and as for history, they were making it. The house contained several stories above the eaves, with dormer windows for each story, the roof being higher than the walls. First. was the garret containing the sleeping rooms and bins for storing grain; next was the loft, used for lumber and articles of only occasional need; next the cock-loft, the receptacle for rubbish. The beams were ornamented with some carving, and were used for hanging household articles, guns, powder-horns or hats. The ceilings were seven or eight feet high.

The family used a pestle and mortar to grind their own grain into flour for domestic use. Their table saw little of the fruits, sweets or spices of the tropics. Its food was furnished from the farm and surrounding forests or waters. The family clothing was the product of the farm, spun and woven by Christina.

Louris was a man of standing, as we have seen. But, except good character, there were no social distinctions in that day when all could remember their recent coming hither in search of fortune, bringing but little with them. The roystering young farmer danced with the daughter of the city magistrate; for she was herself her father's dairy-maid. The household work and the farm work were done by the family, with perhaps the assistance of a worthless slave or two. The worst trait of character was thought to be idleness. It was the arcadian age of New York. We must recollect that money was so rare that purchases were made largely with beaver skins, either wholes or halves. The first brickyard was just started and the first street just paved; sidewalks were not yet in contemplation; the average price of the best city lots had reached only $50, and houses rented at from $25 to $100 per year; there was but one wharf; the whole population of the city was only 1,000, of whom one fourth lived on Pearl Street.

Louris must have finally removed his family back again to the Gravesend house, for we find them residing there at his death. The records ascribe to him only twelve acres in cultivation, but in those days the ground was cultivated like a garden, as in Holland. Rotation of crops was not practised until a century later. Pasture and hay were obtained from permanent "meadows" which were never ploughed. The meadow of Gravesend was Coney Island, since included in the boundaries of the town.

The town records of Gravesend were kept in the English language, and are still preserved from the year 1645. They contain wills, inventories, contracts, sales, and lawsuits. Town-meetings, called by a beating of a drum, were held monthly in a private house, and all failing to be present were fined five guilders. The town elected one magistrate, who chose a second; these two a third, and so on until six had been chosen, all to be approved by the town. Every man was required to maintain his own share, of the palisade at the head of his lot, to provide himself with a ladder 20 feet long, and with a gun, powder and lead, under penalties of heavy fines. The following vote was passed: "ye pastures att ye end of ye lotts shall be for ye use of any of ye inhabitants for a calf or cow yt is sick, or for a horse in case a stranger comes to ye town." The town hired a man to herd the calves three months on Coney Island, for 60 guilders " to be paid in money, tobacco; or corn and some bitters, if desired." It was voted "that all who tapp or drawe out stronnge beare to sell, shall provide that ye sd beare bee as good yt wch is usually sould att the Manhattoes;" and the price was regulated. It was forbidden to sell liquor to Indians; also to indulge on Sundays in trading, amusements, or excessive drinking. Marriages were performed by a magistrate, after publication of the banns at the nearest church, and were entered in the town records, as were also burials. The Court records are full of trials for slander, and the cases became so common that a fine of 50 guilders was imposed upon those who brought such actions without good proof; in cases of conviction, the punishment was fine, imprisonment, stocking or standing at a public post. There are those still living in Gravesend who remember well the old stocks, which were placed near the town-hall, where prisoners convicted of petty crimes were made a public show and were hooted at and pelted by the boys of the neighborhood. This custom was introduced from England; in a list of 70 male inhabitants in 1656, there do not appear more than a dozen Dutch names, including Louris Jansen. Among the settlers appear Richard Stout, Samuel Holmes, and others whose descendants in New York and New Jersey have been numbered by thousands. The famous Penelope Prince appears on the records as having remarked that "the wife of Ambrose London did milk the cows of Thomas Applegate; " she, " being questioned, acknowledged her fault in soe speaking, and being sorrie for her words, she spoke satisfaction on both sides."

There is no good reason to believe that there was a Dutch Church organization in Gravesend before 1763. The people were inclined to strong free thinking; they rejected infant baptism, the Sabbath, the office of preacher, and the teachers of God's word, saying that " through these have come all sorts of contention into the world." Whenever they met together, one or other "read something for them." Here was held the first Quaker meeting in America, in 1657; they were regularly held from that time at the house of Lady Moody, and from 1659 the town became the "Mecca of Quakerism," in spite of much persecution from Director Stuyvesant.

The early houses were simple; we find "I house framed upon sills of 26 foote long, and 16 foote broad and 10 foote stoode, with 2 chimneys in ye middle and 2 doors and two windows, and to clapboard only ye roof and dobe the rest parte; " the price was 110 guilders, or instead, " one Dutch cow." Furniture and personal effects were also simple; an inventory in 1651 of a deceased, signed by Lady Moody as witness, shows: "1 Kettle 1 Frying pan, 1 Traye, 1 Jarre, 1 pair breeches, 1 Bonott, 1 Jackett, 1 Paile, 2 Shirts, 1 Tubbe, 1 Pair shoes, 2 pair ould stockings, 9 ould goats money in chest, 32 guilders." Yet Gravesend was sufficiently important to hold the Court of Sessions from 1668 to 1685, when it was removed back to Flatbash, whence it was finally changed to Brooklyn. The farmers raised all kinds of grain, tobacco, hemp, flax, pumpkins, melons, &c.; growing , wild were found mulberries, persimmons, grapes large and small, huckle berries, cranberries, plums, raspberries, and such abundance of strawberries "that in June the fields and woods were dyed red; " wild roses and other flowers bedecked the landscape and perfumed the air all the summer. Imagine all of these by the sea. Such we learn was Gravesend when Louris there lived and died.

In the new world, people married not only early; but often. The Dutch church records are full of second and third marriages. It was required by the laws of New Netherland that any widow, or widower, about to contract a second marriage and having already children, should apply for the appointment of guardians of the children, in order that their share of the estate under the Dutch rules might first be set aside for them. On March 16, 1660, we find on the records that "Stincha (Christina) Loras widow" (of Louris Jansen Opdyck deceased) had such guardians appointed for her children, Peter, Otto, and Johannes. The estate was appraised at 2,100 guilders (a considerable sum in those days), of which she received one half upon her declaration to the English of Gravesend that this was the law of Holland; a pretty strong proof that she was a woman of force of character and of consideration. Six days earlier Lourens Petersen, from Tonsbergen in Norway, a widower, also states that his wife Annetie is deceased, that he is now engaged to marry " Styntie Laurens " of Gravesend, and desires trustees appointed for a division of a proper share of their mother's estate to his two daughters; which is accordingly done, as recorded in the minutes of the Council at Fort Amsterdam. Lourens Petersen had been married at New Amsterdam in 1641, and had there baptized his daughter Sytie in 1642 and his daughter Engeltie in 1646; Sytie had been married at 16 years to Barent Joosten, a " ridder" (knight) from Witmont in Emberland, and afterward a magistrate of Bushwick. In 1661 Eugeltie, then in her 15th year, married Jan van Cleef, a settler at Gravesend and later an official of New Utrecht. Lourens Petersen, after living some years in New Amsterdam, where he sold his house and lot in 1656, had taken up his residence in Gravesend, and there signed a petition for a minister. He had been spoken of some years before as " of good report amongst the English " in and near New Amsterdam.

Peter, (eldest son of Louris Jansen Opdyck,) upon the occasion of the above division of his father's estate, voluntarily surrenders to "his mother Stincha Loras " the interest of his portion, "for the bringing up his younger brother," to whom he leaves the principal in case he die first; "his young brother" also leaving to Peter his whole portion in case of death; - a pleasing evidence of mutual affection. The following year, Lourens Petersen conveys lot number 34 at Gravesend, with farming implements, to Peter and Otto, for their shares of the estate. Peter and Otto at the same time acknowledge the receipt, from their father-in-law " (a very common expression in those days for step-father) Lourens Petersen, of 300 guilders, the portion of "their brother Johannes Loras, according to the dividend of the estate of their deceased father Loras Johnson." They also agree to pay to "their mother Stincha Loras" interest on Johannes' portion, for his support. Two years later Christina, "in behalf of her sons Otto Loras and Johannes Loras," ratifies a sale of the farm made by her son Peter. Thus their relationships are distinctly and repeatedly acknowledged. These various acknowledgements also show that Peter was of legal age in 1664 and that therefore his father was born before 1620 and married before 1643.

Records

1653, Aug. 22. "Lowrace Johnson of fforte of Arren " buys lot No. 34 Gravesend, Long Island, from Walter Wall.. (Gravesend Rec., II, 13.)

1653, Oct. 8.Lawrence Jansen was granted by Gov. Stuyvesant a ground brief for a lot in Beverwyck (Albany); and

1655, July 30, he transferred the same to himself and Cornelius Steenwyck for the use of Gabriel Leendertse; the same day it was conveyed to Carsten and Myndert Fredericksen. Lawrence Johnson is stated to have had a house on this lot..... (Gov. Nicolls' Confirmatory Patent to Myndert Fredericksen, No. 71. Alb.)

In Munsell's Albany Collections, Vol. IV, 203, it is stated that "this square was patented to Louras Janse in 1653," and a diagram of the property is given, showing it to have been on the northwest corner of State Street and Broadway, 92 1/2 feet on each street. The same authority says that " after 1652 Fort Orange ceased to be the centre of the embryo city, which thereafter clustered around the new church built at the junction of State Street and Broadway."

1655, July 9. "To the Noble Very Worshipful, their Honors of the High Council of New Netherland.

"Show very humbly we, the undersigned inhabitants of the village of Gravesend in the Province of New Netherland, your Worships subjects, that we have assembled together in the said village yesterday, the 8th of July to make a nomination, from which the Magistrates for the next term might be chosen by your Worships, the order for making this nomination or (as they call it in their pride) election is said to have come from your Worships, but they did not show it to us: whereupon we, the undersigned having purchased and paid for our parcels of land and houses there, maintain, that we shall and must enjoy the same privileges, as the parties from whom the land or lands were purchased. We find, however, that we are prevented by underhand and treacherous measures and for this and other reasons we are compelled to turn to your Worships will as our only recourse and respectfully request, that your Worships for the present suspend the confirmation of these illegal elections, as well as that of the Schout for the following and other reasons, which we will submit to your Worships, whenever ordered so to do:

"First: Your Worships' order to make a selection was not shown to us,

"2d. They produced votes of persons, who were in close confinement for misdemeanors committed by them,

"3d. Also of persons, who on account of conscientious scruples have left the place,

" 4th. Also of persons who have conspired against the government of the country,

"5th. They would not allow that an honest Dutchman, who was a hired man, should cast a vote, his master being absent,

"6th. They said to several people, that no Dutchman should get into the Magistracy there, else they would leave,

"7th. They promised solemnly to nominate Dutchman as well as Englishman, which promise has not been kept,

"8th. They demanded, that all orders issued by the patentees, who have been Magistrates all along and had formerly on account of their misdeeds not only been exiled, but also imprisoned, should be strictly obeyed: which we cannot promise to do any further, than the welfare of the government, under which we live and which protects us, requires. Submitting all this to your Worships' consideration and good will for the welfare of this place we remain "Your Noble Worships' very obedient servants.

(Signed) Jacobus van Curler, Jacob Hellakers, Lucas van der Liphorst, in the name of Anta Thomas, Louris Jansen, Jan Thomassen, David Provoost as attorney for Peter Ebel, Cornelis Dircksen Hoochlant and Dirck Cornelissen. Midwout, 9th of July 1655 upon Long Island in N. N.

"The foregoing has been entered by order into the Register of Resolutions and an answer to it deferred until another time........ (Doe. Col. Hist. N. Y., XIV, 329. )

1655, Oct. 20." Honorable General.

"We are at present surrounded here by Indians, of whom some have been permitted by the English to come in. They say, the English never give them anything to drink, they will have nothing to do with them; it may well be that our turn will come soon, at the latest to-night. We ask for speedy assistance, for the English allow the savages to go in and out; the blow will undoubtedly fall on our heads. We are confident, that since they are without restraint, no assistance will be given to us, so that we all, with wives and children, are very anxious and request therefore respectfully, young as well as old people, to send us speedy help, In the name of all (signed) Jacob Swart, Jan Tomassen, the mark of Antony Jansen, Lauris Jansen, the mark P. E. of Pieter Ebel, J. van Curler.

" The Honble Director-General and Council having seen and considered the aforesaid request, resolved to succor the inhabitants of Gravesend as far as possible with twenty men and to direct them to secure the safest place. Date as above, New Amsterdam (signed) P. Stuyvesant, Lamontagne, Cornelis van Tienhoven ........ (Doe. Col. Hist. N. Y., XHI, 47.)

1656, Jan. 24. Lourens Jansen of New Amsterdam petitions for payment of a debt due him from Geo. Baxter........ (Dutch MSS., VI, 239.)

1656, Mch. 20. Lourans Jansen's wife is defendant in suit brought by Nicholaes Boot, for 28 pounds 15 sh. Deft. admits debt of 12 pounds " according to account of the year 1653"and says she paid the rest to plaintiff's wife ................ (Burgomaster's and Schepens' Rec., II, 402,....N. Y.)

1656, Aug. 10. Lourens Jansen buys of Rem Jansen of Beverwyck a house and lot on Pearl St., in New Amsterdam (New York City), between State St. and Whitehall, granted to Rem Jansen in 1647 by Director and Council .............. (N. Y. Deeds, 1654-8, page 124.... Val. N. Y. Man. 1861, 597.)

1656. Lawrence Johnson on list of freeholders of Gravesend...... (Thompson's Hist. Long Island, II, 177.)

1657, April. Lorence Johnson appears on "A List of what land every man has in tillage in Gravesend," ninth on the list, as having 12 acres... (Gravesend Rec., III, 4.)

1657, Oct. 4. Laurens Janse sells to Pieter Jacobsen Marius the house and lot on Pearl St., being premises patented March 29, 1647, and assigned to said Laurens Janse..... (N. Y. Deeds, 1654-8, page 196. Val. N. Y. Man. 1861, 593.)

1659. "Adrian Hegeman, Attachor. The Attachor says that Louweres Janse owes him the sum of 13fl., 12 stivers, whereupon he has attached two pictures in the hands of Louis Janss, Schepen," (This was probably after Louris Jansen's death) ...... (Flatbush t. Rec., B, 71-2.)

1660, March 10. Lourens Petersen, the norman, states that his wife Annetie Peters is deceased; that he is now engaged to marry Styntie Laurens of Gravesend, and as he has two children, daughters, by his first wife, of whom one is married to Barent Joosten, the other yet a minor, he desires guardians appointed for them in the division of their mother's estate. Appointed accordingly.... (Dutch MSS. IX 123.)

1661, Jan. 20. The guardians of Lourens Petersen's children report that a partition has been agreed upon, and that Engeltie Peters, the daughter of Lourens Petersen, wants them to surrender her share. Referred to the father............................. (Dutch MSS. IX, 502.)

1661, March 10. Engeltie being married to Jan van Cleef, the father Lourens Petersen has no objection to her share being given her. . .. (Dutch MSS. IX, 555.)

1660, March 16. The Estate of Stincha Loras Widdow living and residing here in Gravesend was vallued and appraised by William Bowen, William Williams and Nicholas Stillwell, and that for as much as the said Stincha being intended to alter and change her conditio into married condition wherefore the above said men were chosen that was William Williams for Peeter Loras, William Bowne for Otte Loras, and Nicholas Stillwell for Johannes Loras, the children of the sd Stincha the Estate then taken notice of as followeth

Gs. st

Improved the plantation Corn and housing thereon 1100 00

2 steares and 2 oxen 0400 00

5 cows att 80 Gs per Cow 0400 00

1 young cow and one bull 0100 00

1 heifer of 2 years ould and 2 earlings 0100 00

2100 00

"Out of the above sd Summe the children of the sd Stincha cometh 1050 00

of which the sd Sticha promiseth to performe and make good unto the sd 3 children 300 Gs a piece 0900 00

"The sd Stincha claiming a share with them of the one half of thhe Estate which being divided as foresd : and come them unto; And this is said shee Hollands law: Concerning which it rests undetermined by ye : 3 men.

"Peeter Loras voluntarily bath and did give unto his mother Stincha Loras the Rent of his share pt or portion for the bringing up his younger brother and in case bee shall dye bee doth give him the whole Summe: and his young brother likewise bath given him all his portion in case bee dye first.

"January the 9th Anno 1662. The above sd Moneys was payed; as uppon ye Records ffurther att large is specified^....... (Gravesen Rec., III, 11.)

1661, Oct. 27. "Appeared before me Cornelis van Ruyven, Secretary in the service of the West India Company * * * Curators of the Estate of Nicholas Voethuyzen who, in presence of the Honorable Councillors Nicasius de Sille and Johan de Dochere, transfer" --- several parcels of land in Midwout (Flatbush),-" as also two stone houses and lots situated in the village afore mentioned, which were transferred to Nicholaas Voethuyzen by the Curators of the estate of Lourens Jansen who died without settling his affairs. * * * Signed by the appearers together with the Councillors in Fort Amsterdam of New Netherland, 27 Oct. 1661 ....... (Flatbush Rec. A. p. 109; Bergen's Early Settlers, p. 162.)

1662, Jan. 9. "Loras Peeters before us the magistrates of ye towne of Gravesend as under written did and doth acknowledge by vertue heareof Absolutely to sell Assign and make Over all his rite title interest and Claime from him his heyres Executours Administrators and Assignes for Ever unto a Certain peell of Land wth all the corn thereuppon togeather with the housing Guarden orchard and all prvelledges and Appurtinences thereunto belonging with one Cart one plow and all tackling thereunto & allso one sow, the said Land lyeing and being in Gravesend in ye Province of ye Niew Neatherlands & commonly knowne by ye name of number thirtie fowre unto Peeter Loras and Oate Loras their heyres Executors Administrators or Assigns And for them the said Peeter and Cate to enjoye in as large and ample manner in every respectte as bee the said Loras mighte or could doe by vertue of any purchase gwifte graunte towne Order or any otherwise; the said Loras Peeters acknowledging to have Received full and plenary sattisfaction for all the above said housing and Land et.

"In wituesse whereunto for the confirmation heareof the said pties have sett their hands the day and yeare above written. Loras Peeters, Pieter Louresse, Otto Louresse.......... (Gravesend Rec., II, 141.)

1662, Jan. 9. "Peeter Loras and Oate Loras Received in to their hands from their ffather in Law Loras Peeters ye summe of 300 GI wh said moneyes are that parte or portion wch come their brother Johannes Loras Unto according to the divident of ye Estate of their dyceased ffather Loras Johnson as by ye Records thereof beareing Date March 16th 1660 maye further appeare and during ye time the sd Peeter & Oate holds the sd Moneys in their hands they are to pay Answerable sattisfaction yearley as by a bill under their owne hands given unto their mother Stincha Loras for ye payment thereof unto her January ye 9th Ann. 1660 doth & may appeare.

"Peeter Loras and Oate Loras Received of Loras Peeters their father in Law ye full summe of six hundred gillders & is in full payment of all such moneys remining them unto according to the Devident of their dyceased ffather Loras Johnson his Estate made and taken March ye 16th Ann o 1660 as afore sd". . (Gravesend Rec., III, 19.)

1664, Jul. 3. "This 3d day of ye 5th moth called July Anno 1664. Stinckah Loras * * * doth acknowledge by vertue of yo power she hath, and in ye behalfe of her sonns Oate Loras and Johannes Loras * * * hereby to sell * * * all her and their sd interrest * * unto a certain pcell of land * * * of ye number 34 * * * unto William Johnsonn of ye same town * * * and also the sd Stinckah doth hereby more fullie rattiffie * * a certaine deed of sale formerlie passed betwixt Peeter Loras her son & ye sd William for ye sd Land, giveing and graunteing unto ye sd William Johnson free libertie to * * * posese * * * all and every of ye prmises, in as large 'and ample a manner * * * as either shee or Peeter Loras or Oate Loras or Johannis Loras mighte * * * And in Leiw and considderation of ye sd land * * * the said William is yett further to paye unto. Oate Loras and Johannes Loras or their assigns the summe of 640 gillders att or uppon the 20th day of ye 11th month called Jany, next * * *

"And for the true and faithfull performance hereof the said Land * * * is to stand & remine for security unto ye sd Oate & Johannis for ye sd moneys that is to say Sewon or goods at yt price. Stincha Loras, William Johnson.

"Received by me Oate Louarce of Will Jansen in part of this. some above written the sum of 190 Gilders & duly received by mee. Otto Louerse........................... (Gravesend Rec., 11, 159.).

Children of Louris Jansen Opdyck.

Peter; born before 1643 ; nothing found concerning him after his sale of the farm in 1664 ; he may have returned to Holland that year, as did many other Hollanders when the English captured New York.

Otto; born about 1646 ; lived in Mespath 1661 when he married Marretje Jans, a widow; in 1671 was assigned land at Newtown by Lourens Petersen, and also brought suit against Thomas Wandell in Newtown court.

Johannes; born 1651; married Catherine; lived at Newtown, L. I., and Hopewell, N. J., where he died 1729. See following sketch.

256. Deric-2 Jansen OP DIJK died about 1651 in Elburg, Holland. He was born about 1656 in Elburg, Holland. He was married to Elsken OPDIJK MENSEN in 1586 in Elburg, Holland.

257. Elsken OPDIJK MENSEN was born about 1565 in Elburg, Holland.

Deric-2 Jansen OP DIJK and Elsken OPDIJK MENSEN had the following children:

i. Egbert Dericsen OP DIJK was born after 1588 in Elburg, Holland. He died before 1650 in Elburg, Holland.

128 ii. Jan (3) Dericsen OP DIJK.

512. Jan-1 OP DIJK was born about 1540 in Elburg, Holland. He died in Elburg, Holland.

Jan-1 OP DIJK had the following children:

256 i. Deric-2 Jansen OP DIJK.

81. Marritjen Hendricks VAN HAARLEM was born about 1636. She died before 1698 in New York.

Hendrick Hendricksen VAN DOESBURG and Marritjen Hendricks VAN HAARLEM had the following children:

i. Hendrick DUSENBERRY was born in 1656 in Hempstead, Queens Co., New York. He was christened on April 2, 1656 in New York City, New York. He died before 1658 in New York City, New York.

40 ii. Hendrick DUSENBERY.

iii. Evert DUSENBERRY was born about 1660 in Hempstead, Queens Co., New York. AFN:FXGX-G3

iv. Johannes DUSENBERRY was born on August 28, 1661 in Hempstead, Queens Co., New York. He was christened on August 28, 1661 in New York City, New York. AFN:FXGX-JF

v. Johannes DUSENBERRY was born on October 15, 1666 in Hempstead, Queens Co., New York. He was christened on October 15, 1666 in Hempstead, Queens Co., New York.

vi. Grietic DUSENBERRY was born on October 1, 1671 in Hempstead, Queens Co., New York. He was christened on October 1, 1671 in Hempstead, Queens Co., New York. AFN:FXGX-KL

EIGHTH GENERATION

128. Jan (3) Dericsen OP DIJK was born about 1590 in Elburg, Holland. He died after 1652 in Elburg, Holland. He was married to Margaret about 1614 in Elburg, Holland.

129. Margaret was born about 1590 in Elburg, Holland.

Jan (3) Dericsen OP DIJK and Margaret had the following children:

64 i. Louris Jansen OP DYCK.

ii. Lubbegen Jansen OP DYCK was born on October 2, 1636 in Elburg, Holland. He died in Holland.